HUT Jakarta

HUT Jakarta Diperingati Secara Virtiual. Jakarta-Perayaan dilaksanakan secara virtual dan mematahui protokol kesehatan COVID-19. Gubernur DKI Jakarta Anies Baswedan menyatakan, gelombang pandemi covid-19 di DKI Jakarta sudah bisa terkendali. Menurutnya hal itu menjadi kado saat hari ulang tahun DKI Jakarta ke-493. Gubernur DKI Jakarta, Anies Baswedan jelaskan, bahwa tema hari ulang tahun DKI Jakarta hari ini yakni 'Jakarta Tangguh'. Ia terangkan, tema tersebut untuk memperlihatkan masyarakat di DKI Jakarta yang memiliki semangat tinggi dan tangguh dalam menghadapi pandemi covid-19. Ia berharap, kedepannya pandemi covid-19 bisa semakin terkendali. Dari laporan yang dia terima, Anies jelaskan, selama dua minggu Pembatasan Sosial Skala Besar (PSBB) transisi wabah covid-19 terkendali di Jakarta.Sebagian orang akan menysmbutnys layaknya Tahun baru di tempat wisata Jakarta, seperti Arena Pekan Rakyat Jakarta, Pantai Ancol, Taman Mini Indonesia Indah dll. Atau paling tidak berkunjung ke Jakarta Fair di PRJ Kemayoran. PT Jakarta Internasional Expo ( JiExpo) memastikan Jakarta Fair tahun ini akan tetap digelar. Marketing Director PT JIExpo, Ralph Scheunemann, mengatakan, rencananya Jakarta Fair akan digelar secara bertahap dan puncak acaranya a pada akhir tahun 2020. “Sekali lagi kami konfirmasi Jakarta Fair tahun 2020 ini hanya ditunda. Kemungkinan besar apabila situasi dan kondisi sudah membaik, kami berencana akan mengadakannya di akhir tahun 2020,” ujar Marketing Director PT JIExpo, Ralph Scheunemann. Ralph menambahkan, jika Covid-19 mulai mereda pada Agustus hingga September, JiExpo berencana menggelar Jakarta Fair 2020 secara bertahap saat itu. Meski demikian, ia mengatakan pihaknya akan terus berkonsultasi dengan Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta terkait waktu penyelenggaraan resmi Jakarta Fair 2020. "Terkait tanggal penyelenggaraan resminya kapan, kami selalu berkoordinasi secara intensif baik itu dengan pemerintah pusat maupun dengan pemerintah provinsi. Artinya kami melihat perkembangan situasi pandemi Covid-19 ini," kata dia. "Kami harapkan situasi di bulan Agustus atau September situasi sudah kembali normal. Kami akan mengawali bertahap dari event dengan skala kecil lalu menengah dan ada akhirnya puncak dari pameran ataupun event yang digelar di area JIExpo Kemayoran ini adalah event Jakarta Fair di akhir tahun 2020,” kata Ralph. Ralph menambahkan, Jakarta Fair akan digelar dengan memperhatikan protokol kesehatan."Kami juga mengikuti aturan serta SOP yang dikeluarkan oleh Asosiasi Pameran Dunia,” ujar Ralph. Berbeda dengan aturan pemerintah, bagi sebagian orang, dan penduduk asli Betawi, paling tidak yang suka berziarah Kubur. Jakarta banyak menyimpan memori sejarah. Ibu Kota Republik Indonesia yang pada 22 Juni ini tepat berusia 493 Tahun. 22 Juni 1527 adalah hari yang paling dekat pada kenyataan dibangunnya Kota Jayakarta oleh Fatahillah. Setelah itu, naskah tersebut diserahkan Sudiro kepada Dewan Perwakilan Kota Sementara untuk dibahas. Kemudian, langsung bersidang dan menetapkan bahwa 22 Juni 1527 sebagai berdirinya Kota Jakarta. Tepat pada 22 Juni 1956, Sudiro mengajukannya dengan resmi pada sidang pleno dan usulnya itu diterima dengan suara bulat. Sejak saat itu, tiap 22 Juni diadakan sidang istimewa DPRD Kota Jakarta sebagai tradisi memperingati berdirinya Kota Jakarta. SEJARAH Daerah Khusus Ibu Kota Jakarta (DKI Jakarta) adalah ibu kota negara dan kota terbesar di Indonesia. Jakarta merupakan satu-satunya kota di Indonesia yang memiliki status setingkat provinsi. Jakarta terletak di pesisir bagian barat laut Pulau Jawa. Dahulu pernah dikenal dengan beberapa nama di antaranya Sunda Kelapa, Jayakarta, dan Batavia. Di dunia internasional Jakarta juga mempunyai julukan J-Town, atau lebih populer lagi The Big Durian karena dianggap kota yang sebanding New York City (Big Apple) di Indonesia. Jakarta memiliki luas sekitar 664,01 km² (lautan: 6.977,5 km²), dengan penduduk berjumlah 10.557.810 jiwa (2019). Wilayah metropolitan Jakarta (Jabodetabek) yang berpenduduk sekitar 28 juta jiwa, merupakan metropolitan terbesar di Asia Tenggara atau urutan kedua di dunia. Bukan hanya sejarah perjuangan politik, tapi juga sejarah dakwah. Selain memiliki beberapa masjid tua dan antik bernilai sejarah tinggi, dan masjid-masjid baru dengan arsitektur modern, Jakarta juga “menyimpan” banyak makam keramat para waliullah atau ulama-ulama besar. Pada hari-hari tertentu, masjid maupun makam-makam keramat tersebut sering diziarahi ratusan kaum muslimin. Baik peziarah domestik maupun asing. Masjid Istiqlal di Jakarta Pusat, misalnya, atau masjid tua seperti Masjid Kebon Jeruk di Jalan Gajah Mada, Jakarta Barat, juga Masjid Jembatan Lima di Jakarta Barat. Begitu pula Masjid Luar Batang di Jakarta Utara dan Masjid Kwitang, Jakarta Pusat. Pada bulan Maulud, Ramadhan, Malam Jumat, Minggu Pagi, ribuan orang berziarah ke sana. (***) Aji Setiawan, mantan wartawan majalah alKisah Jakarta

HUT JAKARTA

Isi HUT Jakarta Dengan Ziarah Jakarta, selain kota metropolitan, juga dikenal sebagai kota “religius” terutama karena di ibu kota RI ini terdapat banyak makam para ulama besar dan waliullah. JAKARTA — Perayaan Hari Ulang Tahun (HUT) Kota Jakarta 2020 digelar berbeda. Tahun ini, perayaan dilaksanakan secara virtual dan mematahui protokol kesehatan COVID-19. Gubernur DKI Jakarta Anies Baswedan menyatakan, gelombang pandemi covid-19 di DKI Jakarta sudah bisa terkendali. Menurutnya hal itu menjadi kado saat hari ulang tahun DKI Jakarta ke-493. Gubernur DKI Jakarta, Anies Baswedan jelaskan, bahwa tema hari ulang tahun DKI Jakarta hari ini yakni 'Jakarta Tangguh'. Ia terangkan, tema tersebut untuk memperlihatkan masyarakat di DKI Jakarta yang memiliki semangat tinggi dan tangguh dalam menghadapi pandemi covid-19. Ia berharap, kedepannya pandemi covid-19 bisa semakin terkendali. Dari laporan yang dia terima, Anies jelaskan, selama dua minggu Pembatasan Sosial Skala Besar (PSBB) transisi wabah covid-19 terkendali di Jakarta.Sebagian orang akan menysmbutnys layaknya Tahun baru di tempat wisata Jakarta, seperti Arena Pekan Rakyat Jakarta, Pantai Ancol, Taman Mini Indonesia Indah dll. Atau paling tidak berkunjung ke Jakarta Fair di PRJ Kemayoran hingga berakhir bulan Juni. Bagi sebagian orang, dan penduduk asli Betawi, paling tidak yang suka berziarah Kubur, Jakarta banyak menyimpan memori sejarah. Ibu Kota Republik Indonesia yang pada 22 Juni ini tepat berusia 493 Tahun. 22 Juni 1527 adalah hari yang paling dekat pada kenyataan dibangunnya Kota Jayakarta oleh Fatahillah. Setelah itu, naskah tersebut diserahkan Sudiro kepada Dewan Perwakilan Kota Sementara untuk dibahas. Kemudian, langsung bersidang dan menetapkan bahwa 22 Juni 1527 sebagai berdirinya Kota Jakarta. Tepat pada 22 Juni 1956, Sudiro mengajukannya dengan resmi pada sidang pleno dan usulnya itu diterima dengan suara bulat. Sejak saat itu, tiap 22 Juni diadakan sidang istimewa DPRD Kota Jakarta sebagai tradisi memperingati berdirinya Kota Jakarta. Daerah Khusus Ibu Kota Jakarta (DKI Jakarta) adalah ibu kota negara dan kota terbesar di Indonesia. Jakarta merupakan satu-satunya kota di Indonesia yang memiliki status setingkat provinsi. Jakarta terletak di pesisir bagian barat laut Pulau Jawa. Dahulu pernah dikenal dengan beberapa nama di antaranya Sunda Kelapa, Jayakarta, dan Batavia. Di dunia internasional Jakarta juga mempunyai julukan J-Town, atau lebih populer lagi The Big Durian karena dianggap kota yang sebanding New York City (Big Apple) di Indonesia. Jakarta memiliki luas sekitar 664,01 km² (lautan: 6.977,5 km²), dengan penduduk berjumlah 10.557.810 jiwa (2019). Wilayah metropolitan Jakarta (Jabodetabek) yang berpenduduk sekitar 28 juta jiwa, merupakan metropolitan terbesar di Asia Tenggara atau urutan kedua di dunia. Bukan hanya sejarah perjuangan politik, tapi juga sejarah dakwah. Selain memiliki beberapa masjid tua dan antik bernilai sejarah tinggi, dan masjid-masjid baru dengan arsitektur modern, Jakarta juga “menyimpan” banyak makam keramat para waliullah atau ulama-ulama besar. Pada hari-hari tertentu, masjid maupun makam-makam keramat tersebut sering diziarahi ratusan kaum muslimin. Baik peziarah domestik maupun asing. Masjid Istiqlal di Jakarta Pusat, misalnya, atau masjid tua seperti Masjid Kebon Jeruk di Jalan Gajah Mada, Jakarta Barat, juga Masjid Jembatan Lima di Jakarta Barat. Begitu pula Masjid Luar Batang di Jakarta Utara dan Masjid Kwitang, Jakarta Pusat. Pada bulan Maulud, Ramadhan, Malam Jumat, Minggu Pagi, ribuan orang berziarah ke sana. Teristimewa di malam Jumat, masjid-masjid itu penuh oleh peziarah yang datang dan pergi sejak pagi hingga malam hari. Bahkan di bulan Ramadan, di antara mereka ada yang bermalam di sana. Terutama karena di kompleks Masjid Luar Batang terdapat makam seorang wali, yaitu makam Habib Husain bin Abubakar Alaydrus, sementara di kompleks Masjid Kwitang terdapat makam ulama besar, Habib Ali bin Abdurrahman bin Abdullah Alhabsyi. Ziarah tardisional itu juga merupakan kesempatan bagi para pedagang untuk meraup rezeki Allah. Mereka berjualan berbagai macam dagangan, mulai dari buku-buku agama, mukena, sajadah, busana muslim dan muslimah, tasbih, minyak wangi, makanan dan minuman, sampai mainan anak-anak. Makam Luar Batang Tidak terlalu sulit untuk mencapai makam Luar Batang, karena letaknya tak jauh dari kawasan Pasar Ikan, Jakarta Utara. Dari Beos, nama populer untuk Stasiun Kereta Api Jakarta Kota, Anda bisa mengendarai ojek dengan ongkos murah, antara Rp 4.000 sampai Rp 10.000. Kalau Anda mengendarai mobil pribadi, atau membawa rombongan dengan kendaraan bus, bisa melewati Jalan Muara Baru, Jakarta Utara. Tempat parkir di makam itu cukup luas. Bahkan di sana juga tersedia penginapan dengan fasilitas memadai. Ini adalah makam Habib Husain bin Abubakar Alaydrus, yang biasanya diziarahi orang setiap malam Jumat Kliwon. Makamnya terletak di sebuah serambi di sebelah kiri masjid. Almarhum adalah mubalig, ulama, dan wali yang hidup pada abad ke-18. Jumlah peziarah semakin meningkat, terutama pada bulan Syawal, yang merupakan haul Habib Husain, dan bulan Maulud, saat peringatan Maulid Rasulullah SAW. Makam itu diselimuti dengan kelambu putih itu. Habib Husain wafat pada hari Kamis 17 Ramadan 1169 H (24 Juni 1756), pada usia 32 tahun. Di makam yang lebih dikenal sebagai Makam Kramat Luar Batang itu juga terdapat makam sahabat seperjuangan dan orang kepercayaan Habib Husain bernama Abdul Qadir yang berdarah Cina. Makam Kramat Koja Di kawasan Koja, Tanjungpriok, Jakarta Utara, terdapat sebuah makam yang dikeramatkan, dikenal penduduk sebagai Makam Kramat Koja. Itulah makam Al-Imam Al-Arif Billah Al-Habib Hasan bin Muhammad Al-Hadad. Letaknya sekitar 300 meter dari Rumah Sakit Koja, di samping Pelabuhan Peti Kemas. Habib Hasan lahir di Ulu, Palembang, Sumatra Selatan, pada 1870 M/1291 H. Sejak kecil belajar pengetahuan agama kepada ayah dan kakeknya, di usia remaja ia belajar ke Hadramaut. Sepuluh tahun kemudian, 1880, ketika ia pulang ke tanah air, kebetulan rakyat Banten tengah mengobarkan perlawanan terhadap penjajah Belanda, dan banyak ulama yang dikejar-kejar Belanda. Di antaranya ada yang menyelamatkan diri ke Palembang dan mendapat perlindungan Habib Hasan. Pada 1899, ketika berusia 29 tahun, Habib Hasan berlayar ke Jawa untuk berziarah ke makam para wali, seperti Habib Husain Alaydrus di Luar Batang (Jakarta Utara), Sunan Gunung Jati di Cirebon (Jawa Barat), dan Sunan Ampel di Surabaya (Jawa Timur). Rupanya inilah perjalanan terakhir baginya. Ketika sampai di Batavia, kapal yang ditumpangi pecah. Ia wafat dan jenazahnya dimakamkan oleh penduduk di Kampung Koja. Sekitar 23 tahun kemudian, pada 1922, makam itu tergusur oleh pembangunan pelabuhan yang dilakukan oleh Belanda. Ketika jenazahnya diangkat, ternyata masih utuh dan berbau harum. Di kompleks makam ini juga terdapat beberapa makam keluarga Habib Hasan, seperti Habib Zen bin Muhammad Al-Haddad (adik kandung), Habib Ahmad bin Zen Al-Haddad (kemenakan), Habib Ali bin Zen Al-Haddad, Habib Muhammad bin Abdul Qadir Al-Haddad, dan lain-lain Kompleks Makam Kramat Kampung Bandan ada di sekitar Masjid Al-Mukarramah, Kampung Bandan, di tepi Jalan Lodan Raya, Kelurahan Ancol, Pademangan, Jakarta Utara. Ini adalah makam Habib Muhammad bin Umar Al-Qudsi (wafat 23 Muharam 1118 H/1698 M), Habib Ali bin Abdurrahman Baalwi (wafat 15 Ramadan 1122 H/1702 M), dan Habib Abdurahman bin Alwi Asy-Syathri (wafat 18 Muharam 1326 H/1906 M), pendiri Masjid Al-Mukarramah. Masjid yang berdiri di tanah seluas 700 meter persegi itu teduh, karena dikelilingi pepohonan yang rimbun. Namun, karena masjid tidak memiliki lahan parkir yang luas, para jemaah harus parkir di tepi Jalan Lodan. Pada bulan Maulud dan Syakban, menjelang Ramadan, ribuan kaum muslimin berziarah ke sana. Makam Habib Ali Kwitang Namanya Habib Ali bin Abdurrahman bin Abdullah Alhabsyi, tapi lebih dikenal dengan julukan Habib Ali Kwitang karena rumah dan makamnya di kawasan Kwitang, Jakarta Pusat. Lokasinya di sebelah selatan Toko Buku WaliSongo. Untuk mencapai makam tersebut, dari Terminal Bus Senen atau Stasiun Kereta Api Senen, Anda cukup jalan kaki. Menyusuri kawasan Kwitang seperti menyusuri kawasan pondok pesantren. Di Jalan Kembang VI di kawaan Kwitang itu, misalnya, berdiri megah Masjid Riyadh, sementara di sekitarnya beberapa toko kitab. Ini adalah kompleks Islamic Centre Indonesia (ICI). Di kompleks itu pula terdapat makam Habib Ali Kwitang. Habib Ali lahir di Kwitang, Minggu 20 Jumadilawal 1286 H (20 April 1870). Hampir semua ulama Betawi pernah berguru kepadanya. Muridnya, yang kemudian menjadi ulama besar, antara lain K.H. Abdullah Syafiie, K.H. Thahir Rohili, K.H. Noer Ali. Habib Ali Kwitang berpulang ke rahmatullah pada hari Minggu, 20 Rajab 1388 H (13 Oktober 1968), dalam usia 102 tahun. Makam Pangeran Jayakarta Kota Jakarta (dahulu Jayakarta) didirikan oleh Pangeran Jakerta alias Jayakarta. Makam ulama dan pahlawan ini terletak di kawasan Jatinegara Kaum, Kecamatan Pulogadung, Jakarta Timur. Untuk menuju ke kompleks makam ini, Anda bisa menggunakan mikrolet dari Terminal Kampung Melayu yang melewati Jatinegara. Dahulu kala, Jatinegara (“negara sejati”) merupakan ibu kota yang didirikan oleh sang Pangeran, setelah ia hijrah dari Jakarta Kota yang kala itu diduduki oleh VOC Belanda. Peninggalan Pangeran, antara lain, Masjid As-Salafiah dan sebuah tasbih besar yang tergantung di masjid tersebut. Di kompleks makam ini terdapat beberapa makam Pangeran, pengikut, dan keluarga. Misalnya, lima petinggi Kerajaan Jayakarta, seperti Pangeran Achmad Djakerta, Lahut Djakerta, Soeria bin Pangeran Padmanegara, dan Pangeran Sageri beserta istrinya, Ratu Rapiah Putri. Selebihnya makam keluarga dan kerabat keturunan Pangeran Jayakarta. Makam Al-Hawi Condet Ada sebuah kompleks makam para ulama dan habaib terkenal, dikenal sebagai Al-Hawi, terletak di kawasan Condet, Jakarta Timur. Habib karismatik yang dimakamkan di sana, antara lain, Habib Zain bin Abdullah Alaydrus, Habib Salim bin Jindan, Habib Ali bin Husein Alatas, Habib Umar bin Hud Alatas, dan lain-lain. Habib Zain bin Abdullah Alaydrus lahir di As-Suweiry, dekat Tarim, Hadramaut, pada 1289 H/1869 M. Ketika berusia 12 tahun, yakni pada 1301 H/1881 M, ia hijrah ke Indonesia disertai saudara-saudaranya, seperti Alwi, Ahmad, dan Ali. Di Batavia, ketika itu ia bertemu pamannya, Al-Allamah Al-Habib Muhammad bin Alwi Alaydrus, dan mengaji kepadanya. Selain itu, Habib Zain juga mengaji kepada Habib Utsman bin Yahya, yang ketika itu juga menjadi mufti Batavia. Habib Zain adalah salah seorang di antara sejumlah ulama yang mendirikan madrasah yang pertama kali di Jakarta, yaitu Jamiat Khair, pada 1322 H/1902 M. Selang beberapa tahun kemudian, ia mendirikan sebuah madrasah kecil di Jakarta Kota, di kawasan yang kini disebut Jalan Gajah Mada. Tapi, ketika bala tentara Jepang menginvasi Indonesia, sekolah tersebut terpaksa ditutup. Empat tahun kemudian, 1326 H/1906 M, ia mendirikan sebuah majelis taklim di Masjid Al-Mubarak, Krukut, Jakarta Utara, yang kemudian ramai dihadiri jemaah. Sepeninggal pamannya, Habib Muhammad, Habib Zain menjadi imam di Masjid Al-Mubarak, sekaligus mengajar ilmu tafsir, fikih, akidah selama 70 tahun sampai ia wafat dalam usia 110 tahun. Ia wafat pada hari Sabtu, 24 Rabiul Tsani 1399 H (24 Maret 1979 M), sekitar pukul 15.00. Adapun Habib Salim bin Jindan lahir di Surabaya, 18 Rajab 1324 H (7 September 1906). Semula ia mengaji kepada Habib Abdullah bin Muhsin Alatas, Bogor (yang terkenal sebagai Habib Empang); Habib Muhammad bin Ahmad Al-Muhdhar, Bondowoso; K.H. Cholil bin Abdul Muthalib, Bangkalan, Madura (Kiai Cholil Bangkalan); dan Habib Alwi bin Abdullah Shahab, Tarim, Hadramaut. Pada 1940 ia pindah ke Jakarta, lalu membuka majelis taklim dan berdakwah ke berbagai daerah di Indonesia. Ia adalah seorang orator, dengan hafalan yang kuat dan pengetahuan agama yang luas. Di rumahnya terdapat sebuah perpustakaan yang diberi nama Al-Fakhriah. Ia wafat di Jakarta pada 10 Rabiulawal 1389 H (27 Juni 1969). Makam Habib Kuncung Kalibata Ada seorang ulama, yang juga habib karismatik, yang nama panggilannya unik: Habib Kuncung. Dialah Habib Ahmad bin Alwi Al-Hadad. Julukan itu konon karena semasa hidupnya ia selalu mengenakan peci tarbus Turki ala Abu Nawas yang berkuncir, berkuncung. Makam Habib Kuncung terletak di sebelah Masjid At-Taubah, Rawajati Barat, Kalibata, Jakarta Selatan. Ulama, mubalig, dan waliullah ini masih keturunan ke-40 Rasulullah SAW. Semasa hidupnya ia juga dikenal sebagai pedagang keliling di beberapa daerah Nusantara, seperti Batavia, Makassar, bahkan juga sampai ke negara manca, Singapura. Ia wafat sekitar tahun 1922. (***)Aji Setiawan Full Name: Aji Setiawan, ST Born: October 1, 1978 Home Address: Cipawon, 6/1, Bukateja, Central Java Purbalingga 53 382, NO Phone: 081229667400 Honor ditransfer ke Account BRI acc: NOMOR AKUN. Honorarium tulisan hrp ditransfer ke : BRI no : 372001029009535

Peran Strategis Pondok Pesantren dan Ulama Indonesia Masa Kini

Peran Strategis Pondok Pesantren dan Ulama Indonesia Masa Kini Oleh : Aji Setiawan Abstraksi Dalam membangun bangsa yang maju besar dan beradab, agama memiliki peran yang sangat besar. Sebagai organisasi sosial keagamaan, sejak dulu ulama-ulama berperan sangat besar dalam mengayomi dan membangun masyarakat, baik melalui pendidikan, dakwah dan lain sebagainya. Peran Pesantren dalam Penyebaran dan Pengembangan Islam. Hasil penyebaran Islam tahap awal selanjutnya dimantapkan dengan proses pemahaman dan pengamalan ajaran Islam antara lain melalui jalur pendidikan yang kemudian dikenal dengan nama pesantren. Istilah pesantren sendiri berasal dari kata India shastri, yang berarti orang yang mengetahui kitab suci (Hindu). Dalam hubungan ini kata Jawa pesantren yang diturunkan dari kata santri dengan dibubuhi awalan pe- dan akhiran – an, memberi makna sebuah pusat pendidikan Islam tradisional atau sebuah pondok untuk para siswa sebagai model sekolah agama di Jawa. Key Words : pondok pesantren, islam, tradisional, peran ulama A.PENDAHULUAN Sejak zaman pra-Islam, di Jawa sudah berkembang desa-desa perdikan dengan tokoh agama yang kharismatis dan keramat. Ketika para penduduk masuk Islam, desa-desa perdikan Islam terbentuk dengan pesantren-pesantren yang ada di dalamnya, dan mereka dibebaskan dari pajak. Istilah yang hampir sama juga sudah ada di daerah lain bahkan mungkin lebih dahulu dari istilah pesantren itu sendiri. Di Aceh, daerah pertama yang mengenal Islam, pesantren disebut dengan dayah atau rangkang, meunasah. Di Pasundan ada pondok, dan di Minangkabau ada surau. Dalam pesantren para santri melakukan telaah agama, dan di sana pula mereka mendapatkan bermacam-macam pendidikan rohani, mental, dan sedikit banyak pendidikan jasmani. (Muchtarom, 1988: 6-7). . B. LANDASAN TEORI Secara historis, pesantren sebagai lembaga pendidikan tempat pengajaran tekstual baru muncul pada akhir abad ke-18, namun sudah terdapat cerita tentang pendirian pesantren pada masa awal Islam, terutama di Jawa. Tokoh yang pertama kali mendirikan pesantren adalah Maulana Malik Ibrahim (w. 1419M). Maulana Malik Ibrahim menggunakan masjid dan pesantren bagi pengajaran ilmu-ilmu agama Islam, yang pada gilirannya melahirkan tokoh-tokoh Wali Sanga. Dari situlah kemudian Raden Rahmat atau Sunan Ampel mendirikan pesantren pertama kali di Kembang Kuning, Surabaya pada tahun 1619 M. Selanjutnya ia mendirikan Pesantren Ampel Denta. Pesantren ini semankin lama semakin terkenal dan berpengaruh luas di Jawa Timur. Pada tahap selanjutnya bermunculan pesantren baru seperti Pesantren Sunan Giri di Gresik, Sunan Bonang di Tuban, Sunan Drajat di Paciran, Lamongan, Raden Fatah di Demak. (Mastuki dan Ishom El-Saha (ed.): 8). Bahkan, tercatat kemudian, murid-murid pesantren Giri sangat berjasa dalam penyebaran Islam di Madura, Kangean, hingga Maluku. Menurut catatan Martin Van Brunessen, belum ada lembaga semacam pesantren di Kalimantan, Sulawesi dan Lombok sebelum abad ke-20. Transmisi ilmu-ilmu keislaman di sana masih sangat informal. Anak-anak dan orang-orang desa belajar membaca dan menghafal Al-Quran dari orang-orang kampung yang terlebih dahulu mengusainya. Kalau ada seorang haji atau pedagang Arab yang singgah di desa, dia diminta singgah beberapa hari di sana dan mengajarkan kitab agama Islam. Ulama setempat di beberapa daerah juga memberikan pengajian umum kepada masyarakat di masjid. Murid yang sangat berminat akan mendatanginya untuk belajar dan bahkan tinggal di rumahnya. Murid-murid yang ingin belajar lebih lanjut pergi mondok ke Jawa, atau bila memungkinkan pergi ke Mekah. Itulah situasi yang ada di Jawa dan Sumatera pada abad-abad pertama penyebaran Islam. (Brunessen, 1999: 25) Di Sulawesi Selatan, masjid difungsikan sebagai pesantren sekaligus. Masjid yang didirikan di Kallukobodae (Goa-Talllo) juga berfungsi sebagi pusat pengajian di daerah itu. Ajaran yang diberikan adalah syariat Islam, rukun Islam, rukun iman, hukum perkawinan, warisan, dan upacara hari besar Islam. Sejak pengembangan Islam di Sulawesi Selatan, orang Melayu yang tinggal di Makassar dan sekitarnya mempunyai peranan penting dalam penulisan dan penyalinan kitab-kitab agama Islam dari bahasa Melayu ke bahasa Makassar. Berbagai lontar yang ditemukan dari bahasa Melayu zaman permulaan Islam di Sulawesi Selatan pada abad ke-17 sampai dengan abad ke-18. (Abdullah (ed.), 2002: 22). Sedang sejarah pesantren di Jawa, Serat Centini pernah menceritakan adanya sebuah pesantren yang bernama Karang di Banten, yang terletak di sekitar Gunung Karang, Pandegelang, Banten. Salah satu tokohnya adalah Danadarma yang mengaku telah belajar 3 tahun kepada Syekh Abdul Qadir Al-Jailani, tokoh sufi yang wafat di Baghdad. Tokoh utama lainnya adalah Jayengresmi alias Among Raga. Ia belajar di Paguron Karang di bawah bimbingan seorang Arab bernama Syekh Ibrahim bin Abu Bakar yang dikenal dengan julukan Ki Ageng Karang. Selanjutnya Jayengresmi berguru lagi kepada Ki Baji Panutra di desa Wanamarta. Di sini ia menunjukkan pengetahuannya yang sangat mendalam tentang kitab-kitab ortodoks. (Abdullah (ed.), 2002: 22) C. HIPOTESIS Demikianlah, pesantren menjadi pusat penyebaran agama Islam yang efektif di Indonesia. Kesuksesan ini ditunjang oleh posisi penting para kiai, ajengan, tengku, tuan guru, atau tokoh agama lainnya di tengah masyarakat. Mereka bukan hanya dipandang sebagai penasehat di bidang spiritual saja, kiai juga dianggap tokoh kharismatik bagi santri dan masyarakat sekitarnya. Kharisma kiai ini didasarkan kepada kekuatan spritual dan kemampuan memberi berkah karena kedekatannya dengan alam gaib. Ziarah ke kuburan para kiai dan wali dipandang sebagi bagian integral dari wasilah, keperantaraan spiritual. Mata rantai yang terus bersambung melalui guru-guru terdahulu dan wali sampai dengan nabi, dianggap penting untuk keselamatan dan kedamaian hidup di dunia dan akhirat. (Brunessen, 1999:20). Sehingga dapat diajukan pertanyaan sanggupkah pesantren dan ulama mengambil peran strategis pada masa kekinian? D.PEMBAHASAN Peran ulama yang sedemikian besar itu diemban oleh para ulama tidak lain karena ulama adalah pewaris dari ajaran naby (al ulama’ waristaun anbiya).Rasululullah SAW pernah bersabda,”Sesungguhnya ulama itu pewaris nabi, sesungguhnya para Nabi tidak mewariskan dinar dan dirham, melainkan mewariskan ilmu. Karena itu siapa saja yang mengambilnya, ia telah mengambil bagian yang besar (HR Abu Dawud, Tirmidzi, Ahmad Al Hakim, Al Baihaqi dan Ibnu Hibban). Sementara tugas ulama selain liyatafaqqahu fiddin, mengggali, merumuskan dan mengembangkan pemikiran keagamaan, tetapi juga memiliki tugas yang tidak kalah pentingnya dan bahkan sangat strategis yang berkaitan dengan masalah sosial dan kebangsaaan yaitu tugas liyundziru qaumahum (membangun masyarakat) yakni membentuk kepribadian.  Dalam kaitan dengan masalah masyarakat, Ulama masa kini memiliki beberapa tugas pertama adalah pembangunan mental-spiritual, pembentukan kepribadian atau karakter masyarakat (character building) dan nation -state building (wawasan kebangsaan dan kenegaraan) ini sangat penting agar lahir kader orang-orang  atau masyarakat yang memiliki sikap, memiliki ketegasan, memiliki prinsip serta memiliki tanggung jawab baik terhadap Tuhan dan terhadap sesama manusia dan terhadap bangsa dan Negara. Karena itu para ulama memiliki tugas kedua yaitu nation building (pembangunan bangsa). Dengan adanya pembantukan karakter (character building) itulah nation building (pembangunan bangsa) bisa dilaksanakan dan ini merupakan modal dasar bagi state building (membangun Negara). Dengan nation building ini maka bangsa Indonesia akan menjadi bangsa yang disegani, karena memiliki kepribadian nasional yang kokoh, sehingga bisa berdiri tegak sejajar dengan bangsa-bangsa beradab yang lain. Tugas ketiga adalah criticism buiding (membangun sikap kritis), ini sesuai dengan prinsip amar ma’ruf nahi munkar.Allah SWT berfirman,” “Kamu adalah umat yang terbaik yang dilahirkan untuk manusia, menyuruh kepada yang ma’ruf, dan mencegah dari yang munkar, dan beriman kepada Allah. Sekiranya Ahli Kitab beriman, tentulah itu lebih baik bagi mereka; di antara mereka ada yang beriman dan kebanyakan mereka adalah orang-orang yang fasik.” (QS. Ali ‘Imran: 110). Sebagaimana sering ditegaskan bahwa sikap ulama terhadap negara taat mutlak bahwa negara harus dijaga dan dibela, tetapi terhadap pemerintah yang ada ulama menerapkaunn prinsip amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. Sementara dalam melakukan amar ma’ruf sendiri perlu menggunakan etika,”Amar ma’ruf bil ma’ruf.”(Barangsiapa mengajak kebaikan maka dengan cara yang baik pula). Sikap kritis Ulama dalam mendukung atau mengkritik pemerintah ini didasari oleh pertimbangan etis, bukan oleh pertimbangan politis, karena itu akan dilakukan terus walaupun Ulama sudah banyak di Partai Politik dan Ormas, namun ulama memang memiliki tugas moral atau etis. Pun demikian dalam mencegah kemunkaran (nahy munkar) dengan cara yang baik juga(nahy munkar bil ma’ruf). Kembali pada upaya character building dan nation building, ini merupakan langkah yang sangat mendesak saat ini, karena ini merupakan persoalan besar yang dihadapi bangsa Indonesia saat ini ketika sekolah dan lembaga pendidikan lain termasuk lembaga kebudayaan yang ada tidak melakukan tugas ini. Sementara gelombang globalisasi yang begitu besar menghancurkan sendi-sendi bangsa ini di semua sektor kehidupan, sehingga terjadi kemerosotan moral dan lunturnya karakter. Penanaman rasa cinta tanah air dan bangga terhadap sejarah serta peradaban sendiri itu dilakukan karena berdasarkan pertimbangan bahwa: (barang siapa tidak memiliki tanah air dan tidak mencintai tanah air, maka tidak memiliki sejarah, barang siapa tidak memiliki sejarah maka tidak memiliki memori dan karakter). Bagi orang atau bangsa yang tidak memiliki memori maka dia akan menjadi bangsa tidak memiliki karakter, dan bangsa yang tidak memiliki karakter akan kehilangan segalanya. Politiknya akan hilang, peradabannya akan merosot dan aset ekonominya pun akan dijarah bangsa lain akhirnya akan menjadi bangsa yang miskin dan tidak terhormat. Inilah pentingnya menanamkan rasa cinta tanah air, dan karena itu tidak henti-hentinya, ulama-ulama Indonesia sejak jaman dahulu menanamkan rasa cinta tanah air. Penegasan pada Pancasila, UUD 1945 dan NKRI ini merupakan bentuk paling nyata dari rasa cinta tanah air tersebut. Itulah sebabnya Nabi Muhammad SAW menegaskan bahwa cinta tanah air merupakan bagian dari iman (hubbul wathan minal iman). Dalam pengertian itulah agama ditempatkan sebagai unsur mutlak dalam nation dan character building. (Said Agil Siraj, Pidato Harlah NU ke 89). Pentingnya pendidikan karakter ini tentu menjadi kewajiban para ulama untuk membentuk kader-kader pejuang ummat. Syarat-syarat berjuang bagi ummat Islam di jaman sekarang menurut Prof. Dr. Said Ramadhan Bouti dalam “al Ruhaniyat al ijtima’iyah”(spiritualisme sosial) dengan : (1) Membaca dan merenungkan makna kitab suci al Qur’an; (2) Membaca dan mempelajari makna kehadiran Nabi Muhammad SAW melalui sunnah dan Sirrah Nabawiyah (membaca biografi) beliau; (3) Memelihara hubungan dengan orang-orang saleh seperti ulama dan tokoh Islam yang zuhud; (4) Menjaga diri dari sikap dan tingkah laku tercela; (5) Mempelajari hal-hal tentang ruh dan metafisika dalam al Qur’an dan sunnah dengan sikap penuh percaya; (6) Melakukan ibadah-ibadah wajib dan sunnah. KH Sahal Mahfudz dalam sebuah dalam buku Nuansa Fiqih Sosial, 2004 (Yogyakarta: LKiS) telah mengisaratkan akan adanya kemungkinan munculnya kekhawatiran berlebihan, yang dapat menimbulkan keputusasaan dan sikap pesimis di kalangan umat terhadap gejala kekosongan ulama, sehingga akan mendorong persiapan sedini mungkin. Pembicaraan kali ini menyangkut ulama. Tidak sembarang orang boleh dan mampu memberikan kriteria ulama, karena ia memiliki nilai lebih yang sering kali tidak dapat dijangkau oleh keawaman umat. Saya hanya menggunakan kriteria dan batasan ulama menurut al-Ghazali dalam kitab Ihya Ulumiddin yang menyebutkan, ulama adalah seorang yang rajin beribadah, zuhud, alim dalam berbagai bidang ilmu, khususnya ilmu-ilmu ukhrawi, senantiasa ikhlas karena Allah dan faqih dalam segala aspek kemaslahatan umat. Dari kriteria itu, yang seringkali tidak dipahami secara benar adalah sebutan “faqih” bagi ulama. Ada dua pengertian yang hampir sama, yakni faqih dan mutafaqqih. Faqih secara harfiah berarti seorang yang alim fiqih. Sementara mutafaqqih adalah orang yang menguasai fiqih. Kedudukan faqih berada di atas mutafaqqih, karena di dalam mengkaji masalah-masalah fiqih seorang faqih tidak hanya memahami teks-teks kodifikasi fiqih yang sudah matang, akan tetapi juga melalui kajian-kajian suplementer, seperti ushul al-fiqh, qowa'id al-fiqh, ishtilah al-fuqaha' dan lain sebagainya. Sedangkan mutafaqqih adalah seorang yang hanya menguasai masalah-masalah yang telah terbukukan dalam kitab fiqih yang ada. (KH MA Sahal Mahfudh, Nuansa Fiqih Sosial, 2004 (Yogyakarta: LKiS) Mengapa isu krisis ulama muncul? Barangkali melalui tarikan garis historis yang panjang kita akan dapat menyimak munculnya isu itu. Semenjak beberapa abad yang lalu, konsep fiqih yang berlaku di tengah-tengah masyarakat Indonesia sempat menjadi sumber nilai. Fiqih tidak saja berlaku sebagai norma yang berwatak legalistik, tapi juga mewarnai sikap dan perilaku masyarakat. Bahkan sebagian konsep tersebut telah dianggap sebagai subkultur yang telah menyatu dengan kehidupan yang ada. Kecenderungan seperti ini sebagai hasil nyata dari kemampuan para ulama yang telah mencoba memasyarakatkan fiqih, dengan pendekatan kultural sedemikian rupa, sehingga perubahan budaya dengan nilai-nilai Islami dari ajaran fiqih berjalan beriringan begitu mulus tanpa menimbulkan kerawanan yang berarti. Secara konvensional, ajaran-ajaran fiqih itu dimodifikasi oleh para ulama sedemikian rupa sesuai dengan tradisi yang ada pada zamannya. Membicarakan masalah ulama, konsep-konsep dan keadaan masyarakat yang berbudaya fiqih tentu tidak mungkin lepas dari membicarakan eksistensi pesantren yang telah memberikan kontribusi paling besar bagi pembudayaan fiqih itu sendiri. Sejak berdirinya, pesantren merupakan lembaga tafaqquh fiddin (memahami agama) yang begitu kuat, mengakar dan sekaligus diterima oleh masyarakat pada zamannya. Lembaga ini memang lahir di tengah-tengah masyarakat kelas bawah, sehingga warna konvensional sangat pekat tampak dalam sikap, langkah dan pemikiran pesantren. Namun justru berangkat dari kesederhanaan demikian, pesantren menjadi lebih mudah mengakomodasikan nilai-nilai fiqih ke dalam kehidupan yang ada. Bagaimanapun, masyarakat lebih suka menerima hal-hal yang tidak terlalu asing, aneh, dan berkesan baru serta modern bagi segala aspek perilaku kehidupannya. Masyarakat pada masa itu cenderung menolak apa saja datang dari penjajah, tentu saja bercorak modern, baru dan asing. Hal ini malah semakin mendukung langkah pesantren dalam mengkonsumsikan ajaran-ajaran fiqih. Sebagai lembaga tafaqquh fiddin, pesantren membekali para santrinya dengan ilmu-ilmu yang bermuara pada pendalaman masa’il diniyah (masalah-masalah agama). Ilmu-ilmu fiqih paling kuat mempunyai manfaat dalam hal itu, karenanya pesantren menjadi getol mengkajinya ketimbang ilmu-ilmu yang lain, meski tidak berarti meninggalkannya. Kekentalan eksistensi pesantren sebagai lembaga tafaqquh fiddin berjalan beberapa abad lamanya sampai suatu saat ketika pemerintah kolonial Belanda memperkenalkan bentuk pendidikan baru yang benama sekolah, untuk mengimbangi pengaruh pesantren. Perubahan pun tak terelakkan lagi. Pesantren juga mengimbangi sistem klasikal yang dimiliki oleh sekolah dengan mendirikan lembaga pendidikan dalam pesantren yang bertitel madrasah, yang secara harfiah adalah terjemahan dari sekolah. Pada mulanya, pesantren dengan madrasahnya itu, meski wilayah garapannya bertambah akan tetapi justru semakin memantapkan eksistensinya di tengah masyarakat. Madrasah sebagai wujud pengembangan pesantren, juga tetap menitikberatkan tafaqquh fiddin sebagai garapan utamanya. Hanya saja, sistem dan metodenya berbeda dengan pesantren tradisional (salaf). Madrasah-madrasah pesantren pada waktu itu belum mengenal sertifikasi bagi setiap lulusannya dan juga akreditasi sebagaimana lembaga-lembaga pendidikan lain. Baru ketika mulai diperkenalkan pendidikan guru agama oleh pemerintah yang diikuti dengan pengangkatan guru negeri dengan gaji tetap, maka mulai tampak pergeseran nilai-nilai ikhlas, dari menuntut ilmu li wajhillah menjadi karena hanya sekedar mencari ijasah. Dampaknya, eksistensi pesantren menjadi kabur, bahkan hilang identitasnya secara perlahan. Fenomena pergeseran nilai semacam itu tidak bisa semata-mata diartikan sebagai kemunduran pesantren secara total. Sampai saat ini masih cukup banyak ditemukan pesantren tradisional, baik di Jawa maupun luar Jawa, meski profilnya tentu saja tidak seperti yang ada pada tahun 60-an ke belakang, di mana para alumnus pesantren masih dapat digolongkan sebagai mutafaqqih. Pergeseran tersebut hanya merupakan kasus secara individual, yang menimpa para insan pesantren dan bukan secara kolektif. Lalu di mana letak krisis ulama terjadi? Kembali kepada kriteria al-Ghazali tentang ulama yang representatif dan mumpuni, maka kita bisa melihat dan menyimak nilai-nilai ikhlas telah tercederai oleh faktor-faktor eksternal. Produk yang lahir dari kaburnya orientasi itu adalah alumnus-alumnus pesantren yang kurang representatif untuk disebut ulama. Memang, kita tidak bisa mengambinghitamkan begitu saja terhadap faktor-faktor eksternal. Kita tidak boleh menutup mata terhadap berkurangnya animo santri sekarang ini untuk menggali kitab kuning secara baik dan benar. Bahkan ada beberapa pihak yang mencoba mencari jalan pintas di dalam mengkaji ilmu-ilmu agama dengan jalur penterjemahan kitab-kitab kuning, yang tentu saja tidak akan bisa sama persis dengan aslinya. Ini tidak kecil efek negatifnya, apalagi bagi orang yang telah berkecimpung lama di dunia pesantren. Ada reduksi dan kemerosotan yang sangat terasa, sebagai kesenjangan yang kentara dan tidak mustahil akan berubah menjadi satu-satunya momok bagi perjalanan pesantren. Problematika itu sebenarnya bisa dicarikan solusi dengan pemahaman yang mendalam tentang ilmu agama, dimana teks-teks narasi kitab kuning semestinya menjadi kontekstual bahkan aktual dalam menjawab problematika persoalan-persoalan sosial umat itulah letak fiqh sosial mampu menjadi jembatan solusi dari masalah-masalah yang timbul antara ulama’, umara dan ummat. Isu krisis ulama agaknya pernah coba dihadapi dan ditanggulangi oleh beberapa pihak, khususnya oleh pemerintah. Lebih dari setengah dasawarsa yang lalu dengan berbagai lembaga negara dengan melibatkan banyak ulama di dalamnya, MUI, ICMI bahkan Dewan Ekonomi Syariah. Ada semacam langkah untuk mengisi posisi ulama dalam kehidupan yang semakin menuntut peran ulama lebih besar lagi. Meskipun banyak pihak yang kurang sependapat dengan isu kekosongan ulama, akan tetapi jumlah kuantitas umat yang kian bertambah, tentu tidak akan cukup hanya dihadapi dengan jumlah pemuka agama yang masih bisa dihitung dengan jari. Akan tetapi langkah tersebut ternyata tidak efektif, bahkan menimbulkan kesan akan menggeser posisi sentral ulama sebagai legitimator masalah-masalah fiqhiyah. Gambaran situasi di atas sebagai kenyataan dan tantangan serius bagi para ulama dan pesantrennya, sekaligus merupakan dorongan yang kuat terhadap kebutuhan adanya lembaga kader “fuqaha'’(ahli-ahli fiqih) yang rapih dengan manajemen dan pendanaan yang memadai. E. KESIMPULAN Sudah sangat perlu sebuah formulasi lembaga yang ideal bagi penempaan kader-kader fuqoha’ yang alami, zuhud dan ikhlas itu Alhamdulillah pula, gaung yang ada terus bersambut. Pihak-pihak yang merasa terkait kemudian mencoba untuk berpartisipasi. Sebagai contoh, lahirlah madrasah aliyah program khusus yang diprakarsai Departemen Agama bahkan sampai Ma’had Aly (Program Sarjana setara S-1) yang tentu saja peserta didiknya harus lulus SMA atau Aliyah atau sederajat di berbagai Pondok Pesantren terkemuka di seluruh Indonesia. Itu adalah salah satu jawaban dimana lulusan pesantren dapat setara dengan formalisasi Lulusan Sarjana Agama Perguruan Tinggi Islam, ini patut kita sambut dengan positif thingking. Sebab itu jauh lebih baik daripada hanya sekedar mencari ijazah program takhasus atau ujian sertifikasi untuk penyetaraan program pendidikan. Bahkan di kota-kota besar seluruh Indonesia beberapa Mahad Aly sudah membuka program S-2 (Pasca Sarjana)) dengan bekerjasama dengan Perguruan Tinggi Islam dalam dan luar negeri. Tentu saja kalau program pendidikan semacam itu dibuka yang disesuaikan dengan standarisasi (disamakan) dengan Standart Perguruan Tinggi Negeri dan pengawasan oleh Badan Akreditasi Nasional (BAN) Perguruan Tinggi yang baik dan ketat serta tidak jor-joran, kita khusnudzon, program ini akan banyak membuka celah bagi lulusan pesantren atau lembaga swasta untuk masuk jenjang pedidikan tinggi ini. Namun tentu saja hal itu masih belum mencukupi kebutuhan. Kita masih menanti uluran tangan dan partisipasi penuh dari umat sekalian. (***) Penulis adalah mantan wartawan Majalah alKisah tinggal di Purbalingga DAFTAR PUSTAKA :. 1. Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai, LP3S, Jakarta, 1983, hlm.18. 2. Nurcholis Madjid, Bilik-Bilik Pesantren Sebuah Potret Perjalanan, (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1997), hal. 5 3. Sudjono Prasodjo, Profil Pesantren, (Jakarta: LP3S, 1982), hlm. 6. 4. Sejarah Pengertian Pondok Pesantren 5. Wahab, Rochidin. Sejarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia (Bandung: Alfabeta, CV, 2004) hal. 153,154 6. Hielmy, Irfan. Wancana Islam (ciamis:Pusat Informasi Pesantren,2000), hal. 120 7. Fatah, H Rohadi Abdul, Taufik, M Tata, Bisri, Abdul Mukti. Rekontruksi Pesantren Masa Depan, (Jakarta Utara: PT. Listafariska Putra, 2005), hal. 11 8. Aji Setiawan, Satelit Pos: Peran Strategis Ulama Indonesia Masa Kini, 21 Desember, 2018,

Examining Islamic Studies and the Ulama Nusantara Network

Examining Islamic Studies and the Ulama Nusantara Network By: Aji Setiawan Abstraction Islam does not discuss in Indonesia, but opposes this country which has the largest Muslim population in the world. How did this religion enter and develop among diverse tribes and cultures in the archipelago? The Arab traders who were sent from the Saudi peninsula to the northern coast of Sumatra (Aceh) in the 7th Century AD, besides trading, they also spread Islam and married with local women. Even though not many indigenous people converted to Islam, the first Muslim community was formed consisting of immigrant Arabs and local residents, as obtained by Chinese travelers on the northern coast of Sumatra (Aceh) and the Islamic community in the Srivijaya region. Key words: traditional Islam, Nusantara scholars, santri, ulama network A. BACKGROUND Since Islam has entered the territory of Indonesia since the 7th century AD, the spread of Islam began en masse in the 12th and 13th centuries AD. Slightly different from the introduction of Islam in the 7th century, according to A. Johns, the propagators of Islam in the 12th century were preachers from the Sufi circles. Those who played an important role in the process of spreading Islam in the Nusantara region. The main factor supporting the success of this Islamization is the ability of Sufis to provide attractive Islamic packaging, regulating aspects of the flexibility of Islamic discipline specifically Sufism with local mysticism. (Azra, 32-33) In A. Hasymi's notes, based on the manuscript of Idhar al_haqq fi Mamlakat Ferlah wal Fasi, by Abu Ishak Al-Makarani Al-Fasi, Tazkirat Tabaqat Jumu Sultanul Salbi by Shaykh Syamsul Bahri Abdullah Al-Asyi, and the Lineage of the Kings of Perlak and Pasai, and that the kingdom of Perlak, Aceh was the first Islamic kingdom in Indonesia which was founded on 1 Muharam 225 H (840 AD) with the king who was acquired by Sultan Alaudin Sayyid Maulana Abdil Aziz Syah. An important figure for Islam in Perlak is the Khaleefah Captain. In the year around the 9th century the Captain of the Caliph took his men and landed in Perlak. Aside from being a merchant ship, the ship was carrying missionaries consisting of Arabs, Persians and Indians. In less than half a century, the king and the people of Perlak voluntarily changed their religion from Hindu-Buddha to Islam. One of the subordinate masters of the Khalifah then married the princess of the perlak king and gave birth to a child named Sayid Abdul Aziz who later proclaimed the Kingdom of Perlak. The capital city, which was originally called Bandar Perlak, was changed to Bandar Khalifah as an award for the Khalifah master. (A. Hasymi, 1993: 146-147). B. THEORY BASIS Meanwhile, according to the Tale of the Kings of Pasai (written 1350 H), a scholar named Sheikh Ismail came by ship from Mecca via Malabar to Pasai. He succeeded in converting Meurah Silu, a local ruler, who later changed his name to Malik Al-Salih who died in 1297 AD A century later around 1414 AD, according to Malay History (written after 1500 AD), the ruler of Malacca had also been Islamized by Sayyid Abdul Aziz, an Arab from Jeddah. The ruler named Parameswara was finally changed the name and title of Sultan Muhamam Syah. Another historiography, Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa, (written in 1630), a preacher named Sheikh Abdullah Al-Yamani from Mecca had converted to Phra Ong Mahawangsa, the ruler of Kedah, who later changed his name to Sultan Muzahffar Syah. Meanwhile, another historiography from Aceh states that a preacher named Sheikh Jamalul Alam was sent by the Ottoman Sultan in Tukri to convert the inhabitants of Aceh. Another history states that Islam was introduced to the Aceh region by Sheikh Abdullah Arif around 1111 AD (Azra, 1998: 29-30). Another history, Prof. DR. Wan Husein Azmi said that in the Islamic da'wah in the Archipelago there is a group of da'wah preachers chaired by Abdullah Al-Malik Al-Mubin. The da'wah interpreters are divided according to their respective regions. Sheikh Sayid Muhammad Said for the Campa region (Indo-China), Sheikh Sayid Ahmad At-Tawawi and Sheikh Sayyid Abdul Wahab to Kedah (Malaysia), Sheikh Sayyid Muhammad Daud to Pattani (Thailand), (Malaysia), Sheikh Sayyid Muhammad to Ranah Minangkabau (Indonesia), and Abdullah bin Abdul Malik Al-Mubin for the Aceh region itself. Another figure who played a role in the Islamization of the island of Sumatra was Said Mahmud Al-Hadramaut. He has succeeded in Islamizing King Guru Marsakot and his people in the Barus region (North Sumatra). Meanwhile a European traveler Mabel Cook Cole in 1951 stated that a Muslim named Sulaiman had arrived on Nias Island in 851 AD Al-Mubin was in Aceh around 1408-1465 AD during the reign of Sultan Alaudin Inayat Syah. While in Deli, the propagator of Islam there was Imam Sadiq bin Abdullah (d. 27 June 1590 AD). His grave is in the area of Klumpang, Deli, the former Kingdom of Haru. In western and central Sumatra the main propagating figure of Islam is Sheikh Burhanudin Ulakan, although there are strong indications that Islam has entered in previous centuries. He is a native Minangkabau adherent of the Syatariyah Order. When trading in Batang Bengkawas, Burhanudin who is still named Pono and his parents met with a Gujarat merchant named Illapai. Pono and his parents left Buddhism and converted to Islam. Because he was opposed by his tribe, he moved to Sintuk (Pariaman) in 1659. He went to Aceh to sit with Shaykh Abdurrauf Singkil. Next he established a center for the spread of Islam in Ulakan which was later considered to be the center for the spread of Islam in central Sumatra. (Mastuki et al., 2003: In Siak (Riau), Sayyid Usman Syahabudin is a pious and moral ulama who has broadcasted Islam in the territory of the Kingdom of Siak. Because of his noble character, he was married to the king's daughter named Tengku Embung Badariah. It was from their marriage that later sent down the kings of Siak. Another preacher was Habib Umar bin Husein As-Saggaf who was given the title of Big Master Siak. (Syamsu, 1999: 18). As mentioned by Azra, since the 7th century Muslim communities have formed in the Kingdom of Srivijaya thanks to the services of Arab traders since the Umayyad caliphate (661-750 AD). The most important Islamic announcers afterwards were Duke Arya Damar, a Duke of Majapahit who embraced Islam at the invitation of Raden Rahmat - who later became known as Sunan Ampel - who stopped at Palembang from Campa. This means that the Islamization of Palembang was earlier than Minangkabau or inland Java. During the time of Sultan Muhammad Mansur, there was a great scholar named Sayyid Jamaluddin Agung who was known by the nickname Mr. Fakih Jalaludin who spread Islam to the Ogan Komerign Ulu and Ilir regions along with another scholar named Sayyid Al-Idrus. In addition there were other scholars in the Palembang Sultanate era such as Sheikh Abdushamad Al-Falembani. Regarding the Islamization of Java, the relationship between the north coast of East Java, West Java and Malacca was established before the kingdom of Demak emerged. Until the year 1526 the relations between the Sundanese and Portuguese kingdoms were still in accordance with the treaty of 1522. In that agreement the Portuguese were permitted to be involved in trade and to establish a lodge in Sunda Kelapa. This was confirmed by Carita Purwaka Caruban Nagari (written by Prince Arya Cerbon in 1720). That is, the arrival of Islam on the north coast of West Java during the arrival of Islam on the coast of East Java. (Uka Tjandrsasmita, 2002, p. 15) Meanwhile, the central figure in the spread of Islam in Java, the chroniclers agreed to appoint scholars who later became known as the Wali Sanga (Nine Wali). According to most writers, what is meant by Wali Sanga is Maulana Malik Ibrahim, Sunan Ampel, Sunan Giri, Sunan Bonang, Suana Kudus, Sunan Drajat, Sunan Gunung Jati, Sunan Kalijaga, and Sunan Muria. Maulana Malik Ibrahim was one of the first propagators of Islam in Java. He is noted as someone who converted to the north coast of Java and even several times persuaded King Wikramawardhana (ruling 1386-1429), ruler of Majapahit, to convert to Islam. (Azra, 30). Another name is Maulana Magribi. He is an Islamic scholar, descendant of Imam Ali Zainal Abidin, great-grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. (Syamsu, 30). The spread of Islam in the Majapahit region had more momentum after the arrival of Raden Rahmat, son of an Arab from Campa. He is described as having a decisive role in spreading Islam in Java and is seen as the leader of Wali Sanga with the title Sunan Ampel. In Ampel (Surabaya) he established an Islamic education center (pesantren). (Azra, 30). His father's name is Ibrahim Asmoro, a propagator of Islam in Campa (Indo-China) who is married to Raja Campa's daughter. His grave is in Tuban, known as Sunan Nggesik. Meanwhile Raja Campa's other daughter, Dwarawati married Angkawijaya alias Wikramawardana. The first time he arrived in Gresik was greeted by an Arab cleric named Sheikh Jumadil Kubro. Although he failed to persuade Wikramwardhana to convert to Islam, he was given freedom to broadcast Islam and was granted power in Ampel Denta. So he is known as Sunan Ampel. Deceased and buried in Ampel, Surabaya (Syamsu, 42) Then Sunan Giri aka Raden Paku alias Jaka Samudra, son of Maulana Ishak. Maulana Ishak himself was an Arab who was sent by Raja Pasai to Islamize Blambangan, East Java. Once upon a time, Maulana Ishak succeeded in marrying Putri Sekardadu, daughter of King Menak Sembayu. But concerned about the rapid development of Islam in Blambangan, Raja Blambangan ordered to kill Maulana Ishak, but he managed to save himself. Sunan Giri's great service in broadcasting Islam is sending his students to broadcast Islam to remote parts of the archipelago such as Madura, Bawean, Kangean, even to Ternate. Belaiu died and was buried in Giri, Gresik. (Syamsu, 47-50). Sunan Kudus alias Jafar Sadiq is a propagator of Islam in Kudus, Central Java. According to Syamsu's research, he was the son of Sunan Ampel. He died and was buried in the Holy. Another son of Sunan Ampel is Sunan Bonang whose real name is Makhdum Ibrahim. He is the son of Sunan Ampel with Nyi Ageng Manila, daughter of the Duke of Tuban. His brothers are Nyi Ageng Maloka, Syarifuddin Hasyim (Sunan Drajat), and another daughter, wife of Sunan Kalijaga. Sunan Bonang died in 1001 H and was buried in Tuban. While Sunan Gunung Jati is the son of a sultan's son from Egypt who is married to Nyai Larasantang, daughter of King Siliwangi. His real name is Syarif Hidayatullah. He succeeded in Islamizing the population of West Java. He also managed to conquer Sunda Kelapa and expel the Portuguese from there and replace it with the name Jayakarta (Jakarta). He succeeded in establishing the sultanate of Banten between the years 1521-1524. In 1526 AD he captured Cirebon and Sumedang. In 1530 all of Galuh had embraced Islam. Only Pakuan, the capital of Pajajaran, remains the last stronghold of the Hindu kingdom. His descendants became sultans in Banten and Cirebon. (Syamsu, 60-63). Sunan Kalijaga is a Wali Sanga figure who is very close to Muslims in Java, because of his ability to incorporate the influence of Islam into Javanese tradition. His grave is in Kadilangu, Demak. Regarding its origin there are several opinions which state that it is also still of Arab descent. But, many also said he was a native Javanese. Van Den Berg stated that Sunan Kalijaga was an Arab descendant whose lineage reached the Prophet. Meanwhile according to Babad Tuban stated that Aria Teja alias Abdurrahman succeeded in converting the Duke of Tuban, Aria Dikara, and married his daughter. From this marriage he had a son named Aria Wilatikta. According to Tome Pires, the Tuban ruler in 1500 AD was the grandson of the first Islamic ruler in Tuban. Sunan Kalijaga or Raden Mas Said is the son of Aria Wilatikta. Other historians such as De Graaf confirmed that Aria Teja I (Abdurrahman) had a pedigree with Ibn Abbas, uncle of the Messenger of Allah. Sunan Kalijaga has three children, one of which is Umar Said or Sunan Muria. Sunan Muria or Raden Prawoto is a Sufi who has a pesantren at the foot of Mount Muria, Jepara, Central Java. Still in the Islamic broadcasting context in Java, Madura Island was part of what was Islamized in the 15th century CE. The ulama who succeeded in converting to Sumenep was Sunan Padusan alias Raden Bandoro Diwiryipodho alias Usman Haji. He succeeded in converting the ruler of Sumenep Pangeran Secodoningrat III in 1415 AD. Sunan Padusan is an Islamic broadcaster of Arab descent who lived in Padusan, then moved to Batuputih. While the Islamic announcer in Sampang is Buyut Shaykh, a Sayyid descended from Sayyidina Husein, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. In addition there was also Empu Bageno, a student of Sunan Kudus. He succeeded in converting King Arosbaya to the title of Pangeran Islam Onggug. Meanwhile the spread of Islam in Eastern Indonesia had been known since before the 14th century. This is in accordance with the arrival period of Muslim traders through shipping and international trade routes from the Middle East, India, Pasai Ocean, Malacca, the north coast of Java, especially East Java, to the Maluku region. Since the time of the 12th king (ruling 1350-1357) Islam has come to Ternate. The king was named Malomateya, who was friendly with an Arab who gave instructions on how to make ships. But the king had not yet embraced Islam. Only during the reign of Raja Gapi Buta (1465-1486) in Ternate, came a Maulana from Java named Maulana Husein. Raja Gapi Buta and his people converted to Islam. He changed his name to Sultan Zainal Abidin and after his death was known as Raja Marhum. According to Tome Pires, the Moluccan king embraced Islam around 1465 AD In Tidore there is also an Arab preacher named Sheikh Mansur who has successfully invited King Tidore Kolano Ciriliyati to embrace Islam. Then he changed his name and title to Sultan Jamaluddin. The Islamic broadcasters in the Seram area are Maulana Zainal Abidin and his student, Captain Iho Lussy. The inhabitants of the island of Seram embraced Islam thanks to their services, while the entry of Islam in Central Maluku itself was thanks to the services of Islamic traders and broadcasters from East Java. (Uka Tjansasmita, 2002: 15; Saymsu,: 109-111). According to the history of Goa, during the time of King Tunipalangga, there came a Bonang skipper who led Malay traders from Pahang, Patani, Johor, and Minangkabau. During the time of King Tunnijallo (1565-1590) an Islamic village was established with the permission of the king. The king in Sulawesi who first embraced Islam was Raja Tallo or Mangkubumi Goa, named I Mallingkaang Daeng Manyonri who later held the title Sultan Abdullah Awalul Islam. After that followed by the king of Goa named I Managarangi Daeng Manrabia who later held the title Sultan Alaudin. The scholars who contributed to the Islamization of Goa-Tallo were three scholars from Minangkabau namely Katib Tunggal or Datuk Ri Bandang, Katib Sulung or Datuk Ri Patimang and Katib Bungsu or Datuk Ri Tiro in 1603. In the same year the three also succeeded in Islamising Luwu and Wajo. King Luwu La Patiware Daeng Oarabu embraced Islam and was titled Sultan Muhammad Waliyullah Mudharuddin. Meanwhile Islam entered Central Sulawesi by the Bugis. Scholars who contributed to the spread of Islam in Central Sulawesi are Sayid Zein Al-Aydrus and Syarif Ali who married the noble daughter of Buol. One of the sharif named Ali Syarif Mansur along with 40 of his followers went to Menado to broadcast Islam there. In Palu, the Islamization was carried out by an Arab cleric named Habib Idrus bin Salim Al-Jufri, founder of the Al-Khaerat madrasa. In Boolang Mangondow, North Sulawesi, Raja Jacob Manopo (1689-1709) converted to Islam through a Sayid Husein bin Ahmad bin Jindan from South Sulawesi. The Arabs also had a big role in broadcasting Islam in the kingdom of Buton. Before converting to Islam around the XI century, Raja Buton was Hindu-Buddhist. But, after Raja Halu Oleo converted to Islam, Buton officially became the Islamic Sultanate. Raja Halu Oleo changed the name and title of Sultan Qaimuddin. The scholars who contributed to the Islamization process were Sheikh Abdul Wahid, Syarif Muhammad, Firuz Muhammad and Sayid Alwi. Syarif Muhammad was known as Saidi Raba and later became the son-in-law of Lang Kiri or the 19th Sultan of Buton with the title Sultan Ahiyuddin Darul Alam who ruled between 1712-1750 AD Since the 1550s, southern Kalimantan also began to become Muslim. Towards the arrival of Islam in the kingdom there was a struggle for power between Prince Tumenggung and Raden Samudera. Raden Samudera asks for help from Demak. Demak sent help and included an official. After Raden Tumenggung could be subdued, Raden Samudera embraced Islam and changed his name to Sultan Suryanullah. While in Tanjung Pura (West Kalimantan), Islam was introduced by Sheikh Husein and succeeded in converting King Giri Kusuma. He was later married to the daughter of Giri Kusuma and sent down the kings of Tanjung Pura. Another scholar who contributed to spreading Islam in West Kalimantan was Syarif Idrus who sent down Kubu kings, Syarif Husein Al-Gadri who sent down Pontianak kings. Syarif Husein died and was buried in Mempawah. According to Hikayat Kutai, the two preachers who had a role in spreading Islam in East Kalimantan were Datuk Ri Bandang and Mr. Tunggang Parangan who had previously spread Islam in South Sulawesi. After the Crown Prince converted to Islam Datuk Ri Bandang returned to South Sulawesi, while Mr. Tunggang Parangan settled in Kutai. The event of the conversion of Islam to the King of Kutai and the spread of Islam around him was estimated to occur in 1575. (Abdullah (ed.), 1999 :: 17) Meanwhile, Islam entered Nusa Tenggara estimated in the 16th century. Sunan Prapen, the son of Sunan Giri, is a propagator of Islam in Lombok. The Selaparang Dynasty was the first to embrace Islam. Sunan Prapen in his da'wah brought a number of accompanists and scholars. Some of them are good at playing puppets, which later became a medium for Islamization in Lombok. Besides that there were two other scholars in the 17th century in the role of the da'wah, namely Habib Husin bin Umar and Habib Abdullah Abas, both Arab Hadramaut. Whereas in Sumba Syarif Abdurrahman Al-Gadri was exiled in 1836 to Sumba and then spread Islam there. Sheikh Abdurrahman from Bengal spread Islam in Sumbawa and Timor. Another figure is Pangeran Suryo Mataram, Diponegoro warrior. After he was exiled to Kupang by the Dutch, he actively spread Islam there. And there are still other scholars who played a role in the spread of Islam in Nusa Tenggara. C. HOW TO SPREAD ISLAM Traders from various countries far from Southeast Asia, for example, Arabia, Persia, Iraq, Gujarat, Bengal, and others, due to seasonal factors that determine the time of voyage, were forced to stay in the ports they visited. They were given a place by the local authorities to form a community that is often called the village of Pakojan, a village specifically for Muslim traders. In the old cities, Pakojan can still be seen as in the cities of Banten, Semarang, Jakarta and several other cities. (Abdullah (ed.), 1999: 18) In addition to conducting trade, Muslim traders who come to several places in Southeast Asia also convey Islamic teachings to local residents. The more so if there are those who do marriages with local residents after being converted to Islam. This is motivated by the belief that every Muslim is obliged to preach in the broadest sense as ordered by the Koran. (Surat an-Nahl (16): 125) From the Muslim community, the process of spreading Islam can occur due to marriage with ordinary community members or nobles. Some factors that encourage the process of marriage between Muslim migrants and local women, among others, because Islam does not distinguish the status of society. From the view of the indigenous people, especially for those who are Hindus who know the difference in status in the form of caste, this is more encouraging them to embrace Islam. (ibid.h. 19) In addition there are also political reasons. Some rulers or kings in the coastal areas separated themselves from the power of the central kingdom to convert to Islam because there was a struggle for power in the center of the kingdom. In terms of politics and economics, the subordinate kings succeeded in becoming the rulers of Islam, they found it easy to export and import commodities needed by Muslim traders for the needs of the world market. Examples of such situations and conditions are the process of Islamization on the north coast of Java, especially East Java during the Majapahit Kingdom. With the emergence of the kingdom of Demak and other kingdoms that were originally under the rule of Majapahit. Another factor causing the marriage of Muslim traders with local women is also due to the biological need factor. Usually traders do not bring their wives in goodwill. Indigenous people usually allow their children's marriages with Muslim migrants because they hold that these Muslim migrants have a stronger economic status. (Abdullah (ed.), 1999: 36-37) Marriage between Muslim and non-Muslim migrants in the history of the spread of Islam in Southeast Asia has strong evidence. Tom Pires reported the occurrence of marriages between non-Muslim women and Muslim men in Malacca. Likewise, between the daughter of the Islamic Kingdom of Pasai and Raja Parameswara, Raja Malacca, Malacca became the Islamic Kingdom. In the Babad Tanah Jawi, the marriage of Putri Campa and Majapahit King Maulana Ishak was married to the daughter of Sekardadu, the son of Raja Blambangan, who later gave birth to Sunan Giri. Raden Rahmat or Sunan Ampel with Nyai Gede Manila, daughter of Temenggung Wilwatikta or Majapahit. Sheikh Ngabdurrahman (Arab pedatang) who married the daughter of the duke of Tuban, Raden Ayu Tejo. From the marriage gave birth to a child named Sheikh Jali. In the Chronicle of Cirebon also tells the marriage of Sunan Gunung Jati with the daughter of the Regent of Kawung Anten, subordinate to the kingdom of Pajajaran. There are still many more examples of similar marriages in Sulawesi or Kalimantan. Thus the process of spreading Islam takes place through marriages between Muslim migrants, especially traders and Sufis, with local women or vice versa non-Muslim rulers with Muslim women. Such marriages in turn form the core of Muslim society, which is the starting point for the development of Islam which is increasingly widespread among the local community. In the explanation above it has been said that besides the merchants, the Sufis were also included in the voyage with the specific purpose of da'wah. Especially since the 13th century after the Abbasid Caliph suffered a setback after the Hulagu Khan attack from the Mongols (around 1258 AD), more and more Sufis came aboard merchant ships from the Middle East. The Sufi masters in various local sources are often nicknamed maulana, sunan or susuhunan, khatib, datu or dato, guardian, or sheikh. From historical sources, it can be seen that there is a strong tendency that if the king converts to Islam, the spread of Islam will become faster, partly because of the king's command to convert to Islam. In Samudera Pasai Kingdom, after Merah Silu converted to Islam and had the title Malik Al-Salih, his family and local community followed him. The same thing happened in Ternate, South Sulawesi and East Kalimantan. In addition to the factors above which led to the rapid acceptance of Islam by the people of the archipelago, is the cultural accommodation factor applied by preachers in spreading Islam. That is why the spread of Islam in the archipelago does not cause cultural shock (cultural shock). Therefore there are still pre-Islamic traditions that are still practiced by Nusantara people who have embraced Islam. Even certain cultures have become effective propaganda media in spreading Islam. In Java, saints use gamelan and songs as instruments of Islamic da'wah. Sunan Bonang uses bonang (musical instruments) and creates darma songs whose lyrics contain Sufistic advice. Likewise, Sunan Kudus created Masumambang and Mijil music, Sunan Drajat with his Pangkur, and Sunan Muria with his Sinom and Kinanti. Among the most creative trustees using local traditions in their da'wah was Sunan Kalijaga. He performed a puppet show for which the audience was free of charge but it was enough to say two sentences of shahada. This puppet show invites public interest. Furthermore, in this performance, the saints convey Islamic advice especially those which are Sufistic. (Al Qurthubi, 2003: 112-113; Syamsu, 1999: 54-75). D. UNDERSTANDING RELIGION Based on the discussion about the entry of Islam in the archipelago in the early part, most experts are of the opinion that the religious ideology adopted by the first propagators of Islam is Sunniism which emphasizes Sufistic aspects. Even so, it cannot be denied that there are variants of Shi'ism in the archipelago's religious understanding because of later interactions. This conclusion is reinforced by the fact that the majority of Muslims in Indonesia are Shafi'i, one of the four schools of thought in Sunni religious thought. The Shiite schools themselves entered Indonesia were brought by the Ismaili Shiite followers who came from Persia which then spread to the interior of India to the borders of Bukhara and Afghanistan, and finally to Indonesia. The influence of Shi'ism in Indonesia can be seen from the myth about the coming of Imam Mahdi from the descendants of Ali bin Abi Talib. In Pariaman, West Sumatra, the term Ark is made from a stretcher on every 10 Ashura and brings it together while loudly mentioning "Oyak Osen" (Hasan-Husen, the two names of Prophet Muhammad's grandchildren from the lineage of Ali and Fatimah. (Hasymi) 1993: 489). The dominance of the influence of Sunni ideology can be seen from the influence of Sunan Bonang's teachings. Sunan Bonang's teachings describe Walisongo's teachings in general for several reasons. First, Sunan Bonang is the son and student of Raden Rahmat or Sunan Ampel. Second, Sunan Bonang was a mufti who was given the title "King Hanyakrawati" and was nicknamed "The veil of ngelmu lan agami" (The veil of science and religion). Third, Sunan Bonang is a teacher with Sunan Giri, Suana Gunung Jati, who both studied with Maulana Ishaq while living in Pasai, Aceh. Fourth, Sunan Bonang was Sunan Kalijaga's teacher when he first studied Islamic religion. (Syamsu, 1999: 36) In the Primbon Wejangan Sunan Bonang, Sunan Bonang mentions the books or figures of the authors, including Ihya Ulumiddin by Imam Ghazali, Talkhisul Minhaj summarized by Imam al-Nawawi, Qutul Qulub by Abu Talib Al-Makky, Abu Yazid Al-Bustami, Ibn Arabi , Sheikh Abdul Qadir Al-Jailani, and others. In Primbon Sunan Bonang there is also the science of jurisprudence, monotheism, and Sufism which are compiled based on Sunni or Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah schools with Shafi'i schools. (Syamsu, 1999: 36-37). Sunan Bonang teaches Sunni beliefs that denounce Wahdatul Wujud, Manunggaling Sufi teachings, and other similar types. This understanding is considered by some scholars to be misguided and heathen. The pillars of religion that must be maintained according to Sunan Bonang are monotheism and endeavor. The Primbon concludes with advice: "Let your inner journey be born according to the ways of Shari'a, love, and emulate the Messenger of Allah." (Syamsu) Thus it can be concluded that the religious ideology propagated by Wali Sanga is Sunni or Ahlusunnah wal Jamaah. Because of that, Sheikh Siti Jenar, who was deemed deviant from orthodox Sunni teachings, was punished by the saints. Sheikh Siti Jenar himself was heavily influenced by the Wahdatul ideology of Al-Hallaj, a Persian Sufi who lived in 857-922 AD (Tebba, 2003: 86). The spread of Islam as stated above is related to Sufis. The element of Sufism can be seen, for example, from the writing on some grave gravestones. The concept of Insan Kamil, for example, can be seen in the tomb of the Malay and Indonesian king called Batu Aceh. The verses of the Koran and some Sufi poems contained in some gravestones basically have a general theme, which emphasizes: "Only God exists and He determines human desires." On the tomb of King Malik Al-Salih there is a poem stating: " Hear, verily the world is mortal, the world is not eternal. Actually the world is like a web woven by a spider. " (Abdullah (ed.), 2002: 23) The above evidence illustrates that from the 13th century to the 15th Sufi elements had entered Pasai and Malacca. Even Sultan Alaudin Riayat Syah (d. 1488 AD) is said to be a Sufi follower. In Malay History and the Story of the Pasai Kings, there is a description that kings had an interest in the teachings of Insan Kamil and studied books such as Durrul Manzhum or Darrul Mazlum written by Maulana Abu Ishak and brought by his student, Maulana Abu Bakar to Malacca. (Abdullah (ed.), 2002: 23). Although Sufism has had influence between the 13th and 15th centuries, it was only in the 16th and 17th century that the teachings of Sufism developed clearly in Southeast Asia. This can be known from the work of Sufism in that century. On Java, 16th-century primbons were found and 16th-century Shaykh Bari from the Wejangan. Sheikh Yusuf Al-Makassari after his return from the Middle East wrote many books of Sufism, such as Zubdatul Asrar, Tajul Asrar, Mathalibus Salikin, and so on. In Aceh around the 17th century Sufi figures emerged such as Hamzah Fansuri, Syamsuddin Al-Sumatrani, Nuruddin Al-Raniri, and Abdur Rauf Sinkel. Hamzah Fansuri and his student, Syamsuddin Al-Sumatrani were adherents of Ibn Arabi's wahdatul form. On the contrary Nurudin Al-Raniri and Abdur Rauf Singkel were challengers of Wahdatul Wujud. (Abdullah (ed.), 2002: 23; Mastuki and Ishom El-Saha (ed.): P.160). Martin Van Brunessen, a German researcher, stated that Islam taught in Southeast Asia (including Indonesia) was strongly influenced by Sufi teachings and practices. Historians note that Sufism made its own appeal for people in Southeast Asia so that it was a factor in the process of spreading Islam. Ibn Arabi's cosmological and metaphysical teachings can be easily integrated with Indian and indigenous Sufi ideas embraced by the local community. The concept of Insan Kamil is very potential as the basis of the religious legitimacy of the kings. In the Sultanate of Buton, Sufi teachings on divine emanation through seven dignity (the Seven Dignities) were interpreted as having a stratified society consisting of seven social layers which almost resembled caste. (Brunessen, 1999: 188-189) This style of Sufism continues to develop in Indonesia to this day, where Sufistic attitudes and fondness for things that are sacred still include Muslims in Indonesia. This style becomes thicker when Sufi organizations commonly called tarekat have gained followers who are spread in Indonesia. People returning from Mecca and Medina spread the Syattariyyah order, often a combination of Naqshbandiyah and Khalwatiyah. The Rifaiyyah and Qadiriyah Orders have also spread. Remnants of his teachings can be found in Aceh, Minangkabau, Banten, and Maluku, with immune or debus characteristics. (Brunessen, 1999, 197). Sheikh Yusuf Makasar is known as a follower of the Khalwatiyah Order. Abdurrauf Sinkel is known as a follower of the Syatariyah Order, and so on. E. HYPOTHESIS The foundation of this question then moved Michael Laffan, Professor of History at the University of Princenton, to examine the process of the growth and development of Islam in Indonesia which has special features and features in the Book of Islamic History in the Archipelago into a unique narrative because it is portrayed through the eyes of foreigners. Before Laffan tried to read Islam in the archipelago, he first tried to interpret Islam through the eyes of previous Western observers. According to Western observers ranging from colonial administrators, Dutch orientalist scholars, to modern anthropologists such as Clifford Geertz, the peaceful interpretation of Islam in the style of Indonesia is constantly under threat from outside by stricter and intolerant Islamic traditions. In his book, Laffan is not just trying to unravel the traces of Islam in the archipelago. He also narrated various observations of Westerners. From some of these Western observations, Laffan found several studies that were not objective. Because, some observers are more focused on the spread of Christianity and even forget the Islamic entity itself. The reading of the holy book of the Koran is forgotten even though the essence of the observations they make is Islam. In addition, the interpretation of the Koran was only carried out rudimentary. So, what they describe is not perfect. In this case, Laffan also tried to unravel Islam with another perspective. He explored how the popular image of Indonesian Islam was formed by various encounters between Dutch colonial scholars and reformist Islamic thinkers. Laffan also presents the roles of the Arab, Chinese, Indian and European traditions that have interacted since the early entry of Islam. It is the result of this cross-cultural and intellectual marriage that gave birth to the Islam of the Archipelago. Did cultural encounters from both the west and the east finally form their own synthesis, namely Nusantara Islam? F. DISCUSSION From time to time, the ulamas of the archipelago have long established networks of scientific sanad with Islamic teachers in Mecca and the Middle East. Upon returning from this journey, Indonesian scholars began to develop scholarship (renewal) and become an inspiration to drive the spirit of jihad against colonialism. John R Bowen in his article "Intellectual Pilgrimages and Local Norms in Fashioning Indonesian Islam" writes, Indonesian scholars who had studied with the scholars of Mecca and Medina, returned to Indonesia to bring renewed enthusiasm to resist the pressure of colonialism through Islamic organizations. This movement is basically a form of purification of Islamic values from a mixture of other values. Although initially this organization was cultural and regional, the pattern later developed into a modern movement. This archipelago scholar network has long been examined by Dr. Asyumardi Azra in the original dissertation "The Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia: Networks of Middle Eastern and Malay-Indonesian Ulemas in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries". Azyumardi Azra's dissertation submitted to the Department of History, Columbia University, New York, at the end of 1992, in order to obtain a Ph.D. In this research, Dr. Azyumardi Azra, further stated, that this research is the first step in investigating the social and intellectual history of Islamic scholars and thought in Indonesia, especially in relation to the development of Islamic thought in Islamic scientific centers in the Middle East. Because it is not possible, the renewal that took place in various Muslim countries was without a continuous link (sanad ilm, scientific gold chain sanad-ed) with the center of Islamic growth and development from where the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) came from, namely the Arabian mainland ( The middle East). In the reality of history, the growth and development of Islam in the archipelago, which basically has a close relationship with the dynamics of Muslims in the Middle East, is not merely based on political factors. In the beginning, namely at the end of the 8th century to the 12th century, the relationship between the two Muslim regions was more as a trade and economic relationship. In the next period, until the end of the 15th century, relations between the two regions began to take on broader aspects. In addition to their trading practices, traders from the Middle East also made efforts to spread Islam, so that eventually a very close social-religious relationship was established between the two. Furthermore, in the 15th century until the second half of the 17th century, relations between Malay-Indonesian and Ottoman Daulat were more politically influenced. This fact is a result of the influence of the struggle for two major powers, namely from the Spanish rulers and the Ottoman Empire. With this, then the ruling elite in the archipelago took the position to establish togetherness with the Ottoman sovereign. This more religious and political relationship was developed with the authorities in Haramayn. With this network with scholars in Haramayn, then making scholars from the archipelago to improve and develop scientific and intellectual abilities. From here onwards, since the second half of the 17th century, the relationship between the Haramayn ulama and ulamas in the archipelago was more a social-intellectual relationship, as well as a social-religious relationship. Through the historical-philosophical research approach and the sociological-anthropological approach, the writer can trace the growth and development of educational institutions that occur in the periphery, which has been underestimated by researchers and modern scholars. From the little tradition research in this peripheral area, there are ideas and renewal ideas, which are basically also developed from growing ulama networks, based in Haramayn, by bringing up "new synthesis" into a great tradition. The Ulama network that has long been established in the international area is proven by the existence of the Malay-Indonesian ulama network, it does not mean that the results apply locally to Muslims in the archipelago, because the Ulama Network that occurs is a very broad and comprehensive scientific gold chain to all parts of the Muslim World . The Malay-Indonesian cleric was a part of this large network in which at that time the thought and reform movement in the Islamic archipelago began to take place. According to the author, there are at least two key terms used by Dr. Azyumardi Azra in exposing the Nusantara ulama network which has become very important and decisive. First is the word Network. With this network, among the scholars who came from various regions could make contact to conduct dialogue and the process of fusion of "small" traditions to form a "new synthesis" that was very inclined to the great traditions "(great tradition). This kind of amalgamation process, among the ulama, was carried out centered on Haramayn (Makkah and Madinah). Second is the word Transmission. What is meant by transmission is, the efforts made by someone to spread, convey ideas, knowledge and methods obtained from certain regions, about certain things as well, and then spread to various other regions. What is meant by this transmission is, the efforts made by a cleric to spread, convey ideas, knowledge and methods obtained at Haramayn, about the religious traditions of scientific centers in the Middle East, to various Muslim worlds, such as the Malay-Indonesi (Archipelago). This transmission process will produce new eruptions, which in turn will significantly affect the historical journey of Islam in their respective homelands. Archipelago scholars gave a contribution in the development of Islamic scholarship at that time. Because, first, the rejection of an assumption that says that the relationship between Ulema in the Middle East with Ulamas in Nusantra, is only political. This is because, since the 17th century, especially in the second half of this century, the relationship between them emphasizes more on the social-intellectual (scientific) aspects. Second, the rejection of an assumption that says that the 17th and 18th centuries are the dark ages for Muslims. Because in reality this century is precisely a very harmonious and dynamic period, for the development of Islamic thought and scholarship. Islam at this time is no longer a mystical Islam (Sufistic), but Islam which is a combination of Tasawwuf and Sharia (Neo Sufism). The occurrence of a combination of these two, is the awareness of the scholars of fiqh (fuqoha) and scholars of Sufism (Sufi), to be aware of each other's existence and role. With this kind of awareness, then a new Islamic practice developed, which is called Neo-Sufism Take efforts to transmit knowledge and thought to the archipelago, to carry out renewal steps. The development of thought and scholarship in the Islamic world, is inseparable from the network that formed between the Middle Eastern scholars with other scholars in various Muslim world. Likewise, the development of thought and renewal that took place among Indonesian Muslims was a result of the existence of Malay-Indonesian scholars involved in the network. The role of the Ulama can be done by applying knowledge, ideas and methods obtained in the network, in his homeland, or it can also be done through books that are compiled and distributed to his home region. The theories that developed can be examined through the dialogue of historians, can be traced through the early history of the arrival of Islam to the archipelago which began from the 7th century until the 12th century AD through waves I (Wali Council) and II (Wali Songo). Some said that they were from India (Gujarat), others from China (through the companions of Said bin Abi Waqqas who were sent by Rasulullah SAW to China), Persi and others. Thus, a common thread can be drawn regarding the relationship between Haramayn and the Archipelago. The rise and development of the Indonesian Ulema network is still in an international network based in Haramayn (Mecca). Various policies taken in the Haramayn government, which then led to the ease and effectiveness among the scholars to carry out scientific transmission between them. It also explained the process of expansion of the ulama network to other regions. There is a renewal that occurs, as a result of intertwining between scholars from various regions. The development and tendency of Muslim societies from mysticism towards neo-sufism. Archipelago scholars have a stake in the birth of Islamic renewal in the archipelago. Archipelago scholars at that time included Sheikh Nurrudin Al Raniri (w.1068 / 1658), Sheikh Abd Al Rauf Al Sinkili (1024-1105 / 1615-1730) and Sheikh Muhammad Yusuf Al Makassari (1037-1111 / 1627-1699), Sheikh Burhanudin Ulakan (d. 1100 H / 1680 AD), Sheikh Arsyad Al Banjari (d.1777) etc. While the ulama network along with the renewal steps carried out by ulemas in the Malay-Indonesian region in the 17th and 18th centuries were mostly carried out by Aceh Ulemas under the leadership of Teuku Cik Di Tiro, Teuku Umar, Cut Nyak Dien etc., Padri scholars under the command of Tuanku Imam Bondjol (Padang Minangkabau), P Diponegoro and Kyai Mojo in Java, Sayid Idrus Sulawesi, Syekh Arsyad Al Banjari Kalimantan, Haji Wasid and H Abdul Karim Banten etc. formed many patterns of local rebellion and have not spread simultaneously in the homeland against colonialism. The development of Islamic science at that time was certainly centered on the mosque, dayah and musholla, the rest were many scholars, clerics and students fighting guerrilla in the local scale (territorial) of the Dutch Company. It was only at the end of the 19th century that pesantren ulemas in the archipelago became increasingly consolidated. In addition to Makkah Madinah (Haramain) consolidation was also carried out in the archipelago, for example in Aceh in 1873 it had sparked the idea of ​​"Jumhuriyah Indonesia" (Republic of Indonesia) and spread it all the way to Papua to develop the ideals of the unity of the Indonesian people. This network was built in the archipelago archipelago network in the 14th century to the 16th century. The ulama-santri network that has upheld Indonesia is actually the result of a long process of forming and consolidating the previous Middle East and Nusantara ulama network. Entering the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries, more and more Javanese scholars were studying in the holy land. Information about their biography is more numerous and recorded in sufficient detail in the books of the Sanad and Arabic biographical books. Many of them have received diplomas (certification) and taught at the Grand Mosque. This indirectly, made them in the holy land as the successor to the network of Nusantara scholars who had been pioneered by the previous Nusantara scholars. Shaykh Ahmad bin Zaini Dahlan, a great mufti of Makkah in the 19th century who had opened the door for Nusantara's ulemas to take part and plant their communities in Haramain and networked with students in the Archipelago. Some of them are seeding in Haramain to accommodate the ulama-santri who come from various parts of the archipelago, some return to the archipelago to become the axis and strengthen the movement of networks that have been built. As from Kalimantan came Sheikh Khatib As Sambasi, Sheikh Arsyad Al Banjari and Sheikh Nafi Al Banjari, from Sumatra came Sheikh Ismail al Minangkawi, Sheikh Abdusshommad Al Falimbani and Sheikh Ahmad Khatib Minangkabawi, Sheikh Abdul Wahab Sandenreng Daeng Bunga Bugis, from Java emerged Sheikh Habhad Al Habib Ahmad an Nahrawi al Banyumasi, Sheikh Juned al Batawi, Sheikh Abdur rahman al Mishri, Sheikh Nawawi al Bantani, Sheikh Agung Asnawi bin Sheikh Abdurahman Caringin al Bantani, Sheikh Mahfudz Termas Pacitan, Sheikh Abdul Karim al Bantani, and from West Nusa Tenggara present Sheikh Sheikh Abdurahman Caringin al Bantani, Sheikh Mahfudz Termas Pacitan, Sheikh Abdul Karim al Bantani, and from West Nusa Tenggara presenting Sheikh Sheikh Abdurahman Caringin al Bantani, Sheikh Mahfudz Termas Pacitan, Sheikh Abdul Karim al Bantani, and from West Nusa Tenggara presenting Sheikh Sheikh Abdurahman Caringin al Bantani, Sheikh Mahfudz Termas Pacitan, Sheikh Abdul Karim al Bantani, and from West Nusa Tenggara presenting Sheikh Sheikh Abdurahman Caringin al Bantani, Sheikh Mahfudz Termas Pacitan, Sheikh Abdul Karim al Bantani, and from West Nusa Tenggara. Abdul Madjid Bima in the 19th century in the Grand Mosque of Makkah became the axis for the ulemas of the archipelago. G. CONCLUSION The axis of the Nusantara clerics in Haramain succeeded in forming the ulema's solidity. Names emerged such as Sheikh Sholeh Land As-Semarangi, KH Ahmad Rifaii Kalisalak, Sheikh Khalil Bangkalan, Al Hadlratus Sheikh Hasyim Asyari Jombang, Sheikh Tolhah Cirebon, KH Ahmad Dahlan Jogjawi, Mr. Haji Zainuddin bin Abdul Madjid Al Amfani Al Fancuri (Mr. Teacher Zainudin Pancor, Lombok NTB), KH Ahmad Sanusi Sukabumi Gunung Puyuh Sukabumi, Teacher Mansur Al Batawi, Shaykh Muhtar Al Bughuri, Dr. H Moh Hatta Bukit Tinggi etc. Why does the writer need to include Dr. Hatta in one of the treasures of Indonesian scholars. Dr Moh Hatta had studied with Haji Mohammad Djamil, son of Sheikh Batu Hampar. He also studied with Sheikh Arsyad and Sheikh Djambek who were none other than the great Minangkabau clerics of the time, etc. It is these scholars who later became the anchors of ulemas in the archipelago who moved the axis, took part in pesantren, surau or dayah. They not only studied at Haramain, but also in Cairo, Egypt, so there was intellectual discourse and different lines of struggle. Nevertheless, because of having the same anti-colonial spirit, the discourse and differences were able to be muted even though the spark certainly affected the direction and color of the struggle in the future, especially in the religious tradition. And history records, the main nodes of the ulama network are consolidated in a axis to uphold the Indonesian nation. Sheikh Hasyim Asyari attempted to synergize the main nodes of the ulama, habaib, and the reform group (intelligence / scholar) to move with KH Wahab Hasbullah and kyai-kyai in Surabaya in 1926 in Nahdlatoel Ulama (HBNO), KH Ahmad Dahlan with Muhammadiyah, KH Ahmad Sanusi with Islamic Union (Persis), Mr. Zainuddin bin Abdul Madjid Al Al Fancuri (Mr. Pancor, Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara) by establishing Nahdlatul Wathan in 1937, Sayid Idrus (Old Teacher) with Al Khairat in Palu (Sulawesi), Sheikh Nafi with Darussalam in Banjarmasin, Betawi-Bekasi ulama network (Mansyur Jembatan Lima teacher, Mughni Kuningan teacher, Mujtaba teacher, Mahmud teacher, teacher, Khalid, Marzuki Cipinang Muara teacher, KH Noer Ali Bekasi, Shaykh Muhadjirin Amsar ad-Dari, KH Abdullah Syafii, KH Tohir Rohili, KH Fatullah Harun, KH Zayadi Muhajir etc.). While the figures of national movement and revival of Muslim intellectuals, featured Dr. Moh Hatta, KH Abdul Wachid Hasyim, Ir Soekarno and Syahrir with the Indonesian National Union (PNI) and others. Through the network of teachers, colleagues and students, the knots build solidity and main strengths both Jumhuriyyah Indunisie and national movements until the establishment of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The formation and connection of the network became a new force (new emergyzing) which later silenced colonial history and became a foothold for the Islamic renewal movement (nationalist-Islamic) both traditional Islamic movements and moderate Islamic movements. The traditional, moderate and tolerant Islamic movements that are still developing today have colored the forms, shapes and patterns of the religious, political, economic, legal and social culture of the social movements within the framework of the Republic of Indonesia. (***) Aji Setiawan, former journalist for alKisah magazine BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1. What Is Meant with Nusantara Islam? Nahdlatul Ulama. April 22, 2015. 2. Azis Anwar Fachrudin (24 July 2015). "The face of Nusantara Islam". The Jakarta Post (in English). 3.Heyder Affan (15 June 2015). "The polemic behind the term 'Islamic Nusantara'". BBC Indonesia. 4.Nina Nurmila. Jajat Burhanudin, Kees van Dijk, ed. Islam in Indonesia: Contrasting Images and Interpretations (in English). Amsterdam University Press. p. 109. 5. Indonesia. un altro Islam ?. Cultura & Culture (in Italian). 6. These are a Number of Characteristics of Nusantara Islam. Nahdlatul Ulama. July 16, 2016. 7. Islam Is Perfect, It Does Not Need "Nusantara" Frills. Muslim Era 15 June 2015. 8. Marniati (8 July 2015). "Muhammadiyah: The term Islamic Archipelago Must Be Used Proportionally". Republika. 9. Michael Laffan, Islamic History in the Archipelago. Abdurrahman Baswedan Foundation, 2019 10. Aji Setiawan, Pos Satellite: Tracking the Ulama Nusantara Network, May 17, 2019. 11. Ajji Setiawan, SantriNews: Tracking the Archipelago Ulema Network of All Time, Sunday, June 14, 2015 12. Thohir Mosque, 2004, The Development of Civilization in the World Islamic Region Traces the Roots of Islamic History, Politics and Culture, Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Persada. 13. Ahmad Mansyur Suryanegara, 2010, Fire History, Bandung: Salamadani Pustaka Semesta. 14. Azumardi Azra, 1995, Middle East Ulama Network and Archipelago Archipelago XVII and XVIII Ages: Tracing the Roots of Islamic Reformation in Indonesia, Bandung: Mizan. 15..Dedi Supriyadi, M.Ag, 2008, History of Islamic Civilization, Bandung: Pustaka Setia 16.Moh. Nurhakim, 2004, History and Islamic Civilization, Malang: UMM Press. 17. Zakaria, Rafiq, 1989, The Struggle Within Islam, Australia: Penguins Books 18.Aji Setiawan, Pos Satellite: The Role of Tariqah and Its Development in Indonesia, February 22, 2019 WRITER BIOGRAPHY Aji Setiawan, ST was born on Sunday Wage, October 1, 1978. He was born, precisely in the Village Cipawon, Bukateja, Purbalingga, Central Java, Indonesia. Attending formal education begins at the School in Madrasah Ibtidaiyah II Cipawon in the village of Cipawon, then after that proceed to SMP I Bukateja. His education continued to the city of chips, precisely from 1993-1996, in SMA 3 Purwokerto. After Purwokerto, in 1996, he went to Yogyakarta and took education at the Industrial Management Engineering Department, Faculty of Industrial Technology, Indonesian Islamic University in Yogyakarta. Since 1997, he began working across various campus institutions, ranging from the TMI-FTI UII Student Association, FTI "Professional" Student Press Institute, UII "Himmah" LPM, Indonesian Islamic Student Movement (PMII) Rayon _UII Jogjakarta Faculty of Industrial Technology, Movement Indonesian Islamic Students (PMII) Commissariat KH Wahid Hasyim UII Jogjakarta, Chair of the Jogjakarta Corduroy Reformation Indonesian Journalists Association (1999-2002). Graduated from college in October 2002, then worked at alKisah Magazine, Anekayess group! in 2004-2007. Expert Staff of the National Renewal Faction of the Purbalingga Regency 2012-2014. Decided to be a contributor to many media from 2009. Starting from alKisah Magazine, NU Risalah Magazine, Uloat Media Tabloid (www.mediaummat.co.id), Sufi Magazine (www.sufinews.co.id), NU Online http: // www.nu.or.id, Online News www.berita9online.com, mediasantri (www.santrinews.com), islampos (www.islampos.com), Suraupos (www.suraupos.com), muslimmedia (www.muslimmedia.or. id), Straight Line Islam (www.garislurusnu.com), Islamic online tabloid magazine, and others. Tel NO: 081229667400 E-mail: ajisetiawanst@gmail.com aji_setiawan2000@yahoo.com Honor transferred to Simpedes BRI a / n Aji Setiawan ST KCP Bukateja no cc: Simpedes BRI 372001029009535

Coastal Community Economic Empowerment

Coastal Community Economic Empowerment By: AjiSetiawan Abstraction Finally, it provides an opportunity for fishermen to re-use cantrang. This followed a meeting between representatives of fishermen and the regional government (pemda) with President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) at the Palace, on Wednesday, January 17, 2018. There are a number of conditions that will be regulated by the government regarding the reopening of the use of fishing gear. The conditions are like a matter of the size of the boat used by fishermen. Then, the government also set capture zones for cantrang. The rule is that not all water zones should be used as a place to catch fish using cantrang. Key Word: Cantrang net, fishermen empowerment, coastal area, sustainable development. A. BACKGROUND Cantrang is banned because it damages coral reefs to the bottom of the sea. So, at what depth. The government will also arrange time for fishermen who use cantrang to fish. Thus, fishermen cannot use cantrang throughout the year. Damage to the marine environment due to cantrang nets is already nearly 68% of coral reefs in the coastal areas of the sea killed damaged and threatened biodata in it, including small fish. You have to think about how many months in a year cantrang can operate, to give the fish pause to grow again. So test quotes with new regulations that can anticipate from the old regulations. So that fishermen cannot cheat in revealing the size of their boat. Because, all the rules applied by the government are aimed at the common interest. There are 4 fishing areas by fishermen namely 0-3 miles, 3-10 miles, 10-40 miles and 40 above or free sea. The cantrang net usually plays in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) region of 3-12 miles. Cantrang or trawl from various studies from leading campuses in Indonesia are already unsuitable and damaging to coral reefs. So ships operating on EE from 10-40 PK ship sizes should change to environmentally friendly fishing gear. If not, it will threaten 60% of traditional fishermen who use many fishing nets. Industries that use fish raw materials to make good use of the policy to extend the cantrang transition period. Currently there are several companies that are losing money due to the prohibition of cantrang use. So companies engaged in hanging fish to take advantage of the policy of transition to the use of cantrang by increasing the added value of their products. That way, going forward, no longer depends on the fish that have been caught by fishermen in the Java Sea. With the re-use of cantrang to catch fish in the Java sea again, the small industry got a breath. However, at the same time, with the benefits obtained, it must be used to increase production. So if later all fishermen no longer use cantrang, this industry will still be alive. B. BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM In every policy there are always pros and cons. However, it becomes a matter of course. If there is one party that feels disadvantaged, then the company should innovate in order to increase the added value of its products. So what is expected by President Jokowi about increasing the added value of fish exports can be realized. In general, the marine fisheries industry supports the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries (KKP) efforts related to the ban on the use of cantrang. Because if it is not controlled, it is not monitored by the giant size, then there is no control, of course it will be destructive for long. This means that overfishing and fish gradually diminish. Changing patterns is also from the usual use of cantrang to further increase the productivity of aquaculture. So that empowering (empowerment) of fishermen can be implemented along with the increase in fish production and processing at the same time, do not rely on the policy of using cantrang nets (trawl nets). The Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries (KKP) stressed that fishermen are not allowed to return to use cantrang fishing gear next year. The cantrang usage period will end at the end of 2017. Cantrang has finished, there is no need to discuss it. January 1, 2018 the ban was applied, so that means cantrang should not operate in Indonesia. B. THEORY BASIS Prohibition of fishing gear cantrang in accordance with Regulation of the Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Number 2 of 2015 concerning the Prohibition of Use of Trawler and Trawler Fishing Equipment. The cantrang's problem is not the tool, but the operation. For example the use of excessive ballast so that the fishing gear sinks to the bottom of the sea. In fact, cantrang operations are not on the seabed, but still float. Its use is not dragged but only pulled so it does not damage the reef. The government is expected to be able to regulate the use of cantrang so that it can be environmentally friendly, including regulating the length and magnitude of the pocket mesh. That way catching small fish that have the potential to grow big can be minimized. Even if cantrang is permitted, there must be control over utilization through limitation of the amount and region in which. For small and large size vessels the exact fishing area is determined so there is no conflict and environmental degradation. Meanwhile, Minister Susi said, the use of cantrang is generally not used by small fishermen but by large fishing vessels with sizes above 30 gross tons. Prohibition of the use of cantrang fishing gear because cantrang operation touches the bottom of the water as stipulated in circular number 72 / MEN-KP / II / 2016, concerning restrictions on the use of fishing gear, cantrang. Because cantrang make the marine ecosystem damaged, causing the productivity of the water base to be reduced. The author sincerely hopes that fishermen can replace cantrang with environmentally friendly fishing gear, such as the Millenium Gillnet fishing gear, for the sake of the sustainability of fish resources for posterity. C. RESEARCH METHOD Coastal communities, more specifically the fishing community is a business actor in the field of fisheries which until now has been categorized as poor and has many problems, which also exacerbate pressures on the use of coastal resources. All of them are caused by the absence of the concept of development of coastal communities (fishermen) as subjects in the utilization of coastal resources. The Coastal Community Economic Empowerment Program (PEMP) is one of the programs designed to further empower coastal communities (fishermen). The program is structured by looking at the fact that the average level of education of coastal communities is relatively low so that the kurnag has sufficient understanding in exploiting fishery resources in a sustainable manner; limited capital and skills including facilities and infrastructure to facilitate fisheries resource utilization activities; resource management systems that are implemented individually or depend on others so that they tend to be exploitative, and revenue management tends to be consumptive. D. DISCUSSION It has become a myth that has developed in the midst of society that Indonesia has abundant marine resources, both its biological and non-biological sources, although such myths need to be proven with more in-depth and comprehensive research. Apart from this myth, in reality Indonesia is a maritime country with 70% of its territory is sea, but it is ironic since 32 years ago fisheries development policies have never received serious attention from the government. The implications of the lack of fisheries development policy priorities, resulting in very minimal fisheries infrastructure in coastal areas, the occurrence of abrasion of coastal and coastal areas, destruction of marine ecosystems and coral growth, and the utilization of fisheries and marine resources has not been optimized. There are so many cases of poor fishermen in the territory of Indonesia, even to be appointed in various writings and research. One example of research that has been carried out is research conducted by Mubyarto (1984), this study analyzes the economy of poor fishing communities in Jepara. According to Mubyarto et al, fishermen's poverty is mostly caused by structural pressure, namely fishermen divided into rich and very rich groups on one hand, poor and very poor on one hand. This research shows the dominance / exploitation of rich fishermen towards poor fishermen. Similar to the above research, Mubyarto and Sutrisno (1988) also looked at the poverty of fishermen in the Riau Islands. According to Mubyarto et al, fishermen's poverty is mostly caused by structural pressure, namely rich fishermen / authorities who suppress poor fishermen. The results of the study, as mentioned above, indicate the helplessness of poor fishermen to the socioal, economic and political conditions that apply to them in each region. This then causes poverty to intensify and pressures them to stay alive along the poverty line. An effort is needed from the local and central government to provide support to these poor fishermen, so that they can improve their standard of living and then become economically independent because of their establishment. To alleviate poverty in coastal communities, especially poor fishermen, the government has carried out various community empowerment programs. One of them is the Coastal Community Economic Empowerment (PEMP) program developed nationally. The PEMP program aims to improve the welfare of coastal communities through economic and social institutional approaches. In the position paper for coastal community empowerment, the Department of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries stated that based on the characteristics of coastal communities (fishermen) and the scope of empowerment, the empowerment of fishermen should be carried out comprehensively. Comprehensive development, namely development with characteristics: (1) based locally (involving local resources so that the return to local resources can be enjoyed by local communities. Local resources that should be used are human resources and natural resources, (2) oriented towards improvement welfare (emphasizing community welfare rather than increasing production), (3) based on partnerships (mutualistic partnership between local people or poor people with better people, to open access to technology, markets, knowledge, capital, better management or professional and broader business relationships, (4) holistically or multi-aspect (development reaches all aspects, each local resource should be known and utilized), and (5) sustainable (sustainability of development itself, including economic and social aspects) ( DKP 2002). The PEMP program established by the central government has a positive impact on poor fishermen in the coastal areas. Some aspects that changed after the implementation of this program include aspects of the income of the fishermen. A case in point is the income aspect of fishermen in the North Halmahera area. Before the enactment of the empowerment strategy in the form of PEMP, fishermen received a low income because fish traders had higher bargaining value than fishermen in determining the price of catched fish. Dependence of fishermen on fish traders causes difficulties for them, it can even be called a form of patron-client between fishermen and fish traders. So after PEMP is running, fishermen's income has increased very significantly between 100-288%. Not only through PEMP, empowering coastal communities, especially poor fishermen, can also be done with other forms of programs originating from the government or from the fishing community itself. Several aspects that can be considered and prioritized in planning and formulating strategies for empowering poor fishermen include capital, technology development and scale of fisheries business, development of marketing access, institutional strengthening of fishermen and coastal communities, management of community-based fisheries resources, construction of facilities and infrastructure supporting fisheries business. One of the fundamental problems in fisheries development is the weak accuracy of fisheries statistical data. Fisheries data in various regions in Indonesia are usually based on rough estimates from local fisheries service reports. There is no reliable standard method to be used as a guide for local offices in the collection of fisheries data. For areas that have fish landing places or ports, they usually have more accurate capture fisheries production data because they are based on records of the number of fish landed. However, the accuracy of the fish production data is still questionable relating to the phenomenon of fish sales transactions without going through landings or transactions in the middle of the sea. This pattern of sales transaction makes it difficult for officials to estimate the amount / value of fish caught in sea waters in their area. Especially with areas that do not have fish landing sites such as small islands in Indonesia or the development of private fish landing sites or 'Private TPI' which are often called fields such as those developed in North Sumatra. How will the government implement a fisheries development policy if it is not supported by accurate data. Is there a guarantee that the government will be able to dismantle the chaotic fishing system and each region which has a different shape and pattern. The state of the system that is able to monitor every arrest activity in the regions becomes a weakness that has been maintained long ago. This weakness is then used by the parties concerned to enrich themselves from the results of capture fisheries. So the issue of foreign exchange leakage with fish theft illustrates the weakness of the national fisheries management system. Without knowing the character or pattern / business network of fishing carried out by the community or fishermen who have capital in various regions or centers fishing centers, the re-licensing policy for the fishing effort will have opportunities for corruption and collusion. It is suspected that with the pattern / network of capture fisheries business that is familiar with the culture of KKN, the mechanism of collusion and corruption in the fishing business must be systematically addressed. Fisheries development policy in the future should be based on a foundation of a correct understanding of the fisheries development problem map itself, which starts from micro problems to problems at the macro level that lead to empowering fishing communities. The micro problem that is meant is the internal questioning of the fishing and fish farmers community regarding socio-cultural aspects such as education, mentality, and so on. This aspect affects the nature and characteristics of fishing communities and fish farmers. The nature and characteristics are influenced by the types of business activities such as capture fisheries, pond fisheries, and fishery product processing businesses. This community group has unique characteristics related to the business it is doing. Because fishing is very dependent on the season, price and market. The idea of ​​economic development (local economic development) based on local resources or in his language Dawam Rahardjo as "local economic development", put forward by several development thinkers namely Helena Norberg and Hodge, David Morris and Satish Kumar in a book of writings entitled "The Case Against the Global Economy and for a Turn Toward the Local ”and edited by Jerry Mander and Edward Goldsmith (2040). Halena Norberg and Hodge in their article entitled "Shifting Direction from Global Dependence to Local Interdependence", illustrates that the characteristics and development of the local economy is a new community-based economic policy (new community - Cased economic). Thus, local economic interdependence will be created in the context of the global economy. To develop these local economic activities, stressing the need for three main foundations that support namely (i) the existence of authority (authority), (ii) accountability, and (iii) productive capacity of the community (productive capacity) that ensures community empowerment in determining the period front of economic policy. So that the direction and objectives of local economic development are expected to be able to create an increase in community spirit (community spirit), community relations and community welfare (well-being). E. CONCLUSION Marine Resources has great potential for the development of the national economy in the 21st century, however its utilization must be carried out carefully so as not to damage the ecosystem as happened to land resources. In order to make the maritime sector as a leading sector in strengthening the national economy, it is necessary to formulate an integral and comprehensive ocean policy that will become a political umbrella for all state institutions that strengthen the development of the marine economy. The development of these policy formulations is inseparable from the history of the advancement of Indonesian civilization which was built from the lives of people who are highly dependent on coastal and ocean resources. However, from the era of independence until now there has been no policy to manage marine resources in an integrated manner under a synergistic coordination of State institutions. It is known that the focus of development in the marine sector is quite broad, consisting of various economic sectors. But so far development that utilizes the potential of marine resources has not been carried out by a coordinating state institution but has been carried out partially by several state institutions such as the department of defense, domestic, foreign affairs, transportation, energy, tourism, industry and trade, environment, marine and fisheries . (*****) Aji Setiawan, the author lives in Purbalingga REFERENCES: 1. KOMINFO, PDSI. "Get to know Cantrang, Prohibited Fishing Gear". Official Website of the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology Republic of Indonesia (in English). Accessed 2019-10-23. 2. Andryanto, Dian (2017-07-11). "Demo on Prohibition of Cantrang, Palace Meet Fishermen Alliance Representative". Tempo (in English). Accessed 2019-10-23. 3. Andreas, Damianus. "Minister Susi Denies the Government Revokes the Cantrang Prohibition". tirto.id. Accessed 2019-10-23. 4. Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 27 of 2007, concerning the management of coastal islands. 5. Aji Setiawan, Suara Merdeka: We recommend that the Cantrang Nets be Prohibited Monday, January 22, 2018 6.Aji Setiawan, Kompas: Coastal Community Area Development, 2/2/2018 Biografi Penulis: Nama               : Aji Setiawan, ST TTL                 : Purbalingga, 1 Oktober 1978 Hp                   : 081229667400 Pekerjaan         : Swasta Alamat             : Cipawon RT 06/Rw 01 Bukateja Purbalingga 53382 No rekening    : Simpedes BRI no : 372001029009535 Aji Setiawan, Peneliti Masalah Nelayan Tradisional di Pesisir Pantai Utara Jawa tahun 1998-2000, Artikel pernah dimuat di Lipsus Majalah Himmah Edisi I (Tahun 1999) dan Majalah Himmah Edisi II (Tahun 2000).